List of fascist movements
This article discusses regimes and movements that have described themselves as fascist, or are alleged to have been fascist or sympathetic to fascism.
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It is often a matter of dispute whether a certain government is to be characterized as fascist (radical authoritarian nationalism), authoritarian, totalitarian, or a police state. The term "fascism" itself is controversial, and has been defined in various ways by different authors. Many of the regimes and movements discussed in this article can be considered fascist according to some definitions but not according to others. See definitions of fascism for more information on that subject.
The Axis (1940–1945)
Italy (1922–1943)
The first fascist country was Italy, ruled by Benito Mussolini (Il Duce). The Italian Fascists imposed totalitarian rule and crushed political and intellectual opposition, while promoting economic modernization, traditional social values and a rapprochement with the Roman Catholic Church.
Italy was a leading member of the Axis powers in World War II, battling on several fronts with initial success. However, after the German-Italian defeat in Africa and the Soviet Union and the subsequent Allied landings in Sicily, King Victor Emmanuel III overthrew and arrested Mussolini, and the Fascist Party in areas (south of Rome) controlled by the Allied invaders was shut down. The new government signed an armistice with the Allies on September 1943. Mussolini was then rescued from prison by German paratroopers, and was made the head of a state of "Repubblica di Salò" in northern Italy, which continued to fight the allies alongside Germany.[1]
Germany (1933–1945)
The Nazi Party, led by Adolf Hitler, espoused a form of fascism[2][3][4][5] that incorporated fervent antisemitism, anti-communism, scientific racism, and the use of eugenics into its creed. Its extreme nationalism originated in pan-Germanism and the ethno-nationalist Völkisch movement which had been a prominent aspect of German nationalism since the late 19th century, and it was strongly influenced by the Freikorps paramilitary groups that emerged after Germany's defeat in World War I, from which came the party's underlying "cult of violence".[6] Nazism subscribed to pseudo-scientific theories of a racial hierarchy[7] and social Darwinism, identifying the Germans as a part of what the Nazis regarded as an Aryan or Nordic master race.[8]
On 30 January 1933, Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany, the head of government, by the President of the Weimar Republic, Paul von Hindenburg, the head of State. The Nazi Party then began to eliminate all political opposition and consolidate its power. Hindenburg died on 2 August 1934 and Hitler became dictator of Germany by merging the offices and powers of the Chancellery and Presidency. Genocide and mass murder became hallmarks of the regime. Starting in 1939, hundreds of thousands of German citizens with mental or physical disabilities were murdered in hospitals and asylums. Einsatzgruppen paramilitary death squads accompanied the German armed forces inside the occupied territories and conducted the mass killings of millions of Jews and other Holocaust victims. After 1941, millions of others were imprisoned, worked to death, or murdered in Nazi concentration camps and extermination camps. This genocide is known as the Holocaust.
Japan (1931–1945)
Right-wing elements in Japan, including industrialists, military officers, and the nobility, had long opposed democracy as an anathema to national unity. Military cliques began to dominate the national government starting in the 1930s. A major militarist nationalist movement in Japan from the 1920s to the 1930s was the Imperial Way Faction "Kodoha". In 1936, Japan and Germany signed the Anti-Comintern Pact, aimed at countering the Soviet Union and the Communist International. In 1940, Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoye established the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, or Taisei Yokusankai, to consolidate all political parties under a single umbrella group. That same year, Japan joined Germany and Italy in the Tripartite Pact.
Other countries
Austria (1933–1945)
Engelbert Dollfuß's idea of a "Ständestaat" was borrowed from Mussolini. Dollfuß dissolved parliament and established a clerical-fascist dictatorship which lasted until Austria was incorporated into Nazi Germany through the Anschluss of 1938.[9]
Brazil (1932–1938)
Briefly, the regime of Getúlio Vargas aligned with Plínio Salgado's Integralist Party, Brazil's fascist movement. Vargas launched a cult of personality that endures to this day, and took inspiration from Mussolini in a number of other areas, such as labor law. The Brazilian Consolidation of Labor Laws, a decree issued by Vargas in 1943, has been described as partly inspired by Mussolini's laws of 1927.[10]
There are debates about whether the Vargas government was fascist or not. Some scholars have argued Vargas's leadership was clearly a version of fascism or drew substantial inspiration from fascism.[11][12] Others argue against this position from the fact that Vargas followed the Castilhismo ideology, which is strongly Positivist, described as incompatible with Fascism's metaphysical, traditionalist, almost occultist ideas.[13]
Republic of China (1941–1945)
The more left-wing though politically syncretic faction of the Kuomintang led by Wang Jingwei, split from the mainline right-wing faction of the Kuomintang led by Chiang Kai-shek, gradually embraced and espoused increasingly fascist oriented positions, including anti-communist doctrine. This eventually led to their recognition by members of the Axis Powers, including Germany and Italy, when Wang Jingwei's faction of the Kuomintang gained prominence and assumed control of a puppet regime based in Nanjing established in 1941 by forces of the invading Imperial Japanese Army.
Croatia (1941–1945)
Poglavnik Ante Pavelić, leader of the infamous Ustaše movement, came to power in 1941 as the Croatian puppet leader under the control of Nazi Germany. Under the indirect control of Germany, the Ustaše regime was based heavily upon both upon clerical fascism and the Italian model of fascism, with elements of racial integrity and organic nationalism drawn from Nazism.
France (1940–1944)
The Vichy regime of Philippe Pétain, established following France's defeat by Germany, collaborated with the Nazis. However, the minimal importance of fascists in the government until its direct occupation by Germany makes it appear to seem more similar to the regime of Franco or Salazar than the model fascist powers. While it has been argued that anti-Semitic raids performed by the Vichy regime were more in the interests of pleasing Germany than in service of ideology, anti-semitism was a full component of the "National Revolution" ideology of Vichy.
As early as October 1940 the Vichy regime introduced the infamous statut des Juifs, that produced a new legal definition of Jewishness and which barred Jews from certain public offices. They interned Liberals, Communists, Jews, Gypsies, and homosexuals in concentration camps as soon as 1940.
Also, in May 1941 the Parisian police force had collaborated in the internment of foreign Jews. As a means of identifying Jews, the German authorities required all Jews in the occupied zone to wear a yellow badge. On the 11 June, they demanded that 100,000 Jews be handed over for deportation.
The most infamous of these mass arrests was the so-called Vel' d'Hiv Roundup (Rafle du Vel' d'Hiv) which took place in Paris on the 16 and 17 July 1942. The Vélodrome d'Hiver was a large cycle track situated on the rue Nélaton near the Quai de Grenelle in the 15th arrondissement of Paris. In a vast operation codenamed "Spring Breeze" (Vent printanier), the French police rounded up 13,152 Jews from Paris and its surrounding suburbs. These were mostly adult men and women however approximately 4,000 children were among them. Identifications for the arrests were made easier by the large number of files on Jews complied and held by Vichy authorities since 1940. The French police, headed by René Bousquet, were entirely responsible for this operation and no German soldiers assisted. Pierre Laval, head of Vichy, included the children in the deportations to Auschwitz against general German orders. Most of the deportees sealed in the transports died en route due to lack of food or water. The few survivors were sent to the gas chambers. A few months later, a police operation took place in Marseille, known as the Battle of Marseille, and led to massive raids in the so-called "free zone", administrated by Vichy.
Greece (1936–1941)
The dictatorship of Ioannis Metaxas from 1936 to 1941, known as the 4th of August Regime, was partly fascist in its ideological nature, and might hence be characterized as quasi-fascist or authoritarian. It had a National Youth Organisation based on the Hitlerjugend, developed an armaments-centered economy, established a police-state akin to that of Nazi Germany (Greece received tactical and material support from Himmler, who exchanged correspondence with the Greek Minister of State Security Konstantinos Maniadakis) and brutality against communists in big cities such as Athens (communism was not known in the small towns and villages of Greece yet). The Colonel George Papadopoulos' 1967 to 1974 military dictatorship, which was supported by the United States, however, was less ideological and lacked a clear fascist element other than militarism.
Hungary (1932–1945)
By 1932, support for right-wing ideology, embodied by Prime Minister Gyula Gömbös, had reached the point where Hungarian Regent Miklós Horthy could not postpone appointing a fascist prime minister. Horthy also showed signs of admiring the efficiency and conservative leanings of the Italian fascist state under Mussolini and was not too reluctant to appoint a fascist government (with terms for the extent of Horthy's power). Horthy would keep control over the mainstream fascist movement in Hungary until near the end of the Second World War. However, Gömbös never had a truly powerful fascist base of support. Instead, the radical Arrow Cross Party, which gained support in Budapest as well as the countryside, became a powerful political movement, gaining nearly 800,000 votes in the election of 1939. Horthy became paranoid due to his new rival, and imprisoned the Arrow Cross Party's leader, Ferenc Szálasi. However, this action only increased popular support for the fascist movement. In another attempt to challenge the Arrow Cross, Horthy's government began to imitate the Arrow Cross Party's ideology. Starting in 1938, several racial laws, mostly against Jews, were passed by the regime, but the extremist Arrow Cross Party, led by Ferenc Szálasi, was banned until German pressure lifted the law, and until Germany occupied Hungary during Operation Margarethe on March 19, 1944, no Jews were in direct danger of being annihilated. In July 1944, armor-colonel Ferenc Koszorús and the First Armour Division, under Horthy's orders, resisted the Arrow Cross militia and prevented the deportation of the Jews of Budapest, thus saved over 200,000 lives. This act impressed upon the German occupying forces, including Adolf Eichmann, that as long as Hungary continued to be governed by Horthy, no real Endlösung could begin. Following Horthy's attempt to have Hungary jump out of the war on October 15, Szálasi, with German military support, launched Operation Panzerfaust and replaced Admiral Horthy as Head of State. The regime changed to a system more in line with Nazism and would remain this way until the capture of Budapest by Soviet troops. Over 400,000 Jews were sent by Hungary to German death camps from 1944 to 1945.[14][15]
Norway (1942–1945)
Vidkun Quisling had staged a coup d'état during the German invasion on April 9, 1940. This first government was replaced by a Nazi puppet government under his leadership from February 1, 1942. His party, the Nasjonal Samling, never had any substantial support in Norway, undermining his attempts to emulate the Italian fascist state.
Portugal (1933–1974)
The Estado Novo regime of António de Oliveira Salazar borrowed many of the ideas towards military and governance from Mussolini's Fascist regime and adapted to the Portuguese example of paternal iconography for authoritarianism.[16] However Salazar distanced himself from fascism and Nazism, which he criticized as a "pagan Caesarism" that recognized neither legal, religious nor moral limits.[17] Unlike Mussolini or Hitler, Salazar never had the intention to create a party-state. Salazar was against the whole-party concept and in 1930 he created the National Union a single-party, which he marketed as a "non-party", [18] announcing that the National Union would be the antithesis of a political party.[18] Salazar's aim was the depoliticization of society not the mobilization of populace.[19] Salazar promoted Catholicism, but argued that the role of the Church was social, not political, and negotiated the Concordat of 1940.
The true fascist movement was the National Syndicalists, also called the "Blue Shirts" (camisas azuis), who were active briefly between 1932 and 1934, following the tradition of uniformed right-wing paramilitary groups, they were an organisation advocating syndicalism and unionism, inspired by Benito Mussolini's brand of Italian Fascism. As Francisco Rolão Preto wrote in July 1922, “our organic syndicalism is essentially the basis of current syndicalist thought among Mussolini’s friends”.[20] MNS was also built on previous allegiances to Integralismo Lusitano, but it was not inspired by the Action Française as alleged by their adversaries.[21][22]
The leader Francisco Rolão Preto advocated the personalism of Emmanuel Mounier and some of the aspects of unionism. His unionist platform was based on leftist ideas of social justice, such as "a minimum family wage", "paid holidays", "working class education", and a world in which workers are "guaranteed the right to happiness".
In 1934, Salazar banned the National Syndicalists. Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, and the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader".[23][24] However, Salazar adopted many of the traits he criticized the National Syndicalists for. Most of the National Syndicalists eventually joined the National Union, the party of the Estado Novo regime.[25]
Poland (1930s)
During the 1930s, the rise of fascist-inspired organizations occurred in Poland. Fascist organizations like the Association of Polish Fascists (Związek Faszystów Polskich) were however marginal and ephemeral. Fascist-inspired organizations were however stronger than parties with clearly fascist programs. National Radical Camp Falanga was the most prominent of them. It was created by radical youth members with National Democratic origins. Falanga was nonetheless quickly banned by the authoritarian ruling Sanacja regime and continued to operate clandestinely. It was also involved in frequent street violence and anti-Semitic riots.
Romania (1940–1944)
The Iron Guard turned more and more into a pro-Nazi and pro-German movement and took power in September 1940 when Ion Antonescu forced King Carol II to abdicate. However, the cohabitation between the Iron Guard and Ion Antonescu was short-lived.
During the 1930s, the group combined a mix of Christian faith, antisemitism, and calls for land reform for farmers, who still lived in a quasi-feudal society. However, the extremely violent nature of the movement made it difficult for the Iron Guard to attract conservatives and middle class people, and as a result, the movement could never be as successful as the Nazi Party.
The Antonescu regime that followed had elements of fascism, but it lacked a clear political program or party. It was more a military dictatorship. The regime was characterized by nationalism, antisemitism, and anti-communism, but had no social program. Despite the Iaşi pogrom and a near-liquidation of the Jews of many parts of Moldavia, the regime ultimately refused to send the Romanian Jews to German death camps. The regime was overthrown on 23 August 1944 in a coup led by the king Mihai of Romania.
Slovakia (1939–1945)
The Slovak People's Party was a quasi-fascist nationalist movement. It was associated with the Roman Catholic Church and founded by Father Andrej Hlinka. His successor Monsignor Jozef Tiso was a president of nominally independent Slovakia in 1939–1945. His government colleagues like Vojtech Tuka or Alexander Mach collaborate with fascism. The clerical element lends comparison with Austrofascism or the clerical fascism of Croatia, though not to the excesses of either model. The market system was run on principles agreeing with the standard Italian fascist model of industrial regulation.
Spain (1936–1975)
After the 1936 arrest and execution of its founder, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, during the Spanish Civil War, the fascist Falange Española Party was allied to and ultimately came to be dominated by Generalísimo Francisco Franco, who became known as El Caudillo, the undisputed leader of the Nationalist side in the war and, after victory, head of state until his death over 35 years later.
South Africa
There have been three waves of fascism in South Africa. Beginning with D F Malan's support of Hitler's brown shirts and the activities of Robey Leibbrandt in the 1930s and 1940s, the second wave during the 1970s and 1980s which created fringe right-wing groups such as the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging.
Yugoslavia (1935–1939)
Yugoslav Radical Union was a Yugoslav fascist group run by Milan Stojadinović. Party members wore green shirt uniforms, addressed Stojadinović as Vodja and used the Roman salute. The party was dissolved following the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia.
Fascism in democratic nations
Prior to World War II, fascist or quasi-fascist movements also appeared in democratic nations, often taking their inspiration from the regimes established by Mussolini and Hitler.
Australia (1931–1940s)
The New Guard was founded in Sydney in 1931 and was opposed to the rule of the then New South Wales premier Jack Lang. The organisation was pro-Monarchy and anti-Communist and was led by World War I veteran Eric Campbell. At its height, the New Guard had a membership of over 50,000 and was almost exclusively based in New South Wales. Following the dismissal of the Lang government in 1932, the New Guard lost much of its momentum and officially disbanded in 1935.[26]
Another Fascist movement was the short-lived anti-semitic, anti-Communist and Nazi-inspired Australia First Movement founded by former communist Percy Stephensen.[27] The organisation was founded in October 1941 and existed until March 1942 when it was suppressed by Australian security agencies who believed the movement was supportive of the Axis Powers. Its leaders (including Stephensen) and several members were also interned.[28]
In terms of National Socialism, a tiny movement was founded among South Australia's German Australian community by Johannes Becker, a German migrant who arrived in Australia in 1927.[29][30] Becker had joined the NSDAP in 1932 and was appointed State Leader (Landeskreisleiter) for the South Pacific the following year. Following the outbreak of World War II, Becker was interned and released in 1946, then deported to West Germany the following year.[31]
Belgium (1930s–1945)
The Rexist movement and the Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond party achieved some electoral success in the 1930s. The party could be label as clerical fascist with its roots in Catholic Conservatism. The party gained rapid support for a brief period, focusing on the secularism, corruption, and ineffectiveness on parliamentary democracy in Belgium. Many of its members assisted the Nazi occupation during World War II. The Verdinaso movement, too, can be considered fascist. Its leader, Joris Van Severen, was killed before the Nazi occupation. Some of its adepts collaborated, but others joined the resistance. These collaborationist movements are generally classified as belonging to the National Socialist model or the German fascist model because of its brand of racial nationalism and the close relation with the occupational authorities.
Canada (1930s–1940)
In the 1930s, Canada had fascist fringe groups within it. One stronger group was the Parti national social chrétien of Adrien Arcand which had significant support. Arcand believed in the anti-Semitic policies of Hitler and called himself the "Canadian Führer". In 1934, his Quebec-based party merged with the western-based fascist Nationalist Party of Canada. In 1938, the English Canadian and French Canadian fascist movements united into the National Unity Party. The only fascist politician ever to be elected in Canada was a man by the name of P. M. Campbell who ran and won under the fascist Unity Party of Alberta for Lethbridge in a 1937 Alberta Provincial By-Election. In 1940, all fascist parties were banned under Canada's War Measures Act.
Chile (1932-1938)
In Chile, during the 1930s, there was a fascist party named National Socialist Movement of Chile (MNS), ruled by Jorge González von Marées, a Hitler sympathizer. However, the MNS was dissolved in 1938.[32]
Finland (1929–1932)
The Lapua Movement, established in 1929, originally a nationalist movement that opposed Sweden and Russia, turned into a fascist movement in the early 1930s. However, the party's origins could date back to the early 1920s, in anti-communist forces during the Finnish Civil War. They attempted a coup d'état in 1932, after which the movement was banned. The Lapua Movement, however, affected the selection of Pehr Evind Svinhufvud as the president and the passing of extensive anti-communist laws. Finland stayed a democracy throughout World War II, despite co-operating with Nazi Germany.
Ireland (1932–1933)
Fascist sympathizers led by General Eoin O'Duffy established the Army Comrades Association, or "Blueshirts" in 1932 as a veterans organization. Renamed the National Guard, it eventually became the paramilitary wing of the United Ireland Party. The Blueshirts wanted to establish a corporate state in Ireland and frequently clashed with Republican supporters of the ruling Fianna Fáil, who were using force to disrupt that party's meetings. O’Duffy planned a parade in Dublin in 1933, and the government, fearing a coup, banned the organization. The organization began to decline soon after. Blueshirts under O’Duffy's leadership later fought for Franco during the Nationalist uprising in Spain.
Mexico (1930–1942)
A reactionary nationalist movement called Acción Revolucionaria Mexicana (Mexican Revolutionary Action), founded by former Villista general Nicolas Rodriguez Carrasco, agitated for right-wing causes, such as the deportation of Jews and Chinese-Mexicans, throughout the 1930s. ARM maintained a paramilitary force called the Goldshirts, which clashed frequently with Communist activists, and supported the presidential faction of Plutarco Calles against the liberal reformist president Lázaro Cárdenas. The paramilitary group was banned in 1936 and the ARM officially disbanded in 1942, when Mexico declared war against the Axis.
The Netherlands (1923–1945)
The Verbond van Actualisten (Union of Actualists) was the oldest fascist movement in the Netherlands. It was established on 22 January 1923 and its ideology was based on Mussolini's Italian fascist movement. It ceased all activities in November 1928 after having had no success at all. It was succeeded by the Vereeniging De Bezem (Association 'The Broom') which was founded on 15 December 1928 by some men who previously were active in the Verbond van Actualisten. Its aim was to clean Dutch politics – hence the name. Its downfall in 1932 was caused by continuous discord between its leaders.
On 14 December 1931 Anton Mussert and Cornelis van Geelkerken founded the Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging in Nederland (NSB), the National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands. It started as a fascist movement, Italian style, with an ideology also based on Hitlers NSDAP. In the years 1935–1936 the party embraced antisemitism. Its best pre-war election result was 7,9% of the voters (1935). The maximum number of member of the NSB was 100,000 (around 1,25% of the Dutch population). Soon after the German occupation in May 1940 the NSB became the only allowed political party. During WWII the NSB was never given any real power, and instead, the Germans used the NSB for their own purposes. After the German defeat, the NSB disappeared.
On 29 June 1932 Jan Baars (previously active in the Vereeniging 'De Bezem') founded the Algemeene Nederlandsche Fascisten Bond (General Dutch Fascist Federation). It was the first Dutch fascist political party to gain significant election results and it had a considerable number of members. Its political views were quite moderate and it disapproved of German Nazi racism and antisemitism. It ended its existence in 1934. Its main successful successor was Zwart Front (Black Front), 1934–1941. Its leaders were of a Catholic origin and the party was strongly based on Italian fascism. During the pre-war period, it never established a prominent position like Mussert's NSB. After the German invasion in May 1940, the number of members rose from 4,000 to 12,000. The Germans prohibited Zwart Front in December 1941.
Other, smaller, fascist and Nazi parties were: Verbond van Nationalisten (Union of Nationalists, 1928–1934), the Nationaal-Socialistische Nederlandsche Arbeiders Partij (National Socialist Dutch Workers Party, 1931–1941), Nationaal-Socialistische Partij (National Socialist Party, 1932–1941), Nederlandsche Fascisten Unie (Dutch Fascist Union, 1933), Unie van Nederlandsche Fascisten (Union of Dutch Fascists, 1933), Oranje-Fascisten (Orange Fascists, 1933), Frysk Fascisten Front (Frisian Fascist Front, 1933), Corporatieve Concentratie (Corporative Concentration, 1933–1934), Verbond voor Nationaal Herstel (Union for National Restoration, 1933–1941), Nederlandsche Nationaal-Socialistische Partij (Dutch National Socialist Party, 1935) and the Nederlandsche Volkspartij (Dutch People's Party, 1938–1940).
Dutch fascism and Nazism is known for its lack of coherence and it was dominated by the egos of its leaders. An important fact for its marginal position in pre-war Dutch politics was the absence of a 'lost generation' of combatants of WWI.
Lebanon
In Lebanon, the Kataeb Party (Phalange) was formed in 1936, with inspiration of the Spanish Falange and Italian Fascism. The founder of the party, Pierre Gemayel, founded the party after returning from a visit at the 1936 Summer Olympics. The party is still active today, although it has abandoned the Falangist and Fascist ideology in place of Phoenicianism, social Conservatism, Republicanism, and anti-Islam.
Sweden (1926–1929)
The Sveriges Fascistiska Folkparti (SFF; "Fascist People's Party of Sweden") was founded in 1926. Major figures of the party included its founding leader, Konrad Hallgren, a former German officer, and Swedish soldiers Sven Olov Lindholm and Sven Hedengren.
In 1929 a delegation of the party, led by Hallgren and Lindholm, attended a major rally of the German Nazi party, at Nuremberg. Afterwards, the SFF was more strongly influenced by Nazism and changed its name to Sveriges Nationalsocialistiska Folkparti (SNF; Swedish National Socialist People's Party). The SNF was one of several Swedish Nazi parties.
United Kingdom (1932–1940)
Sir Oswald Mosley, an admirer of Mussolini, established the British Union of Fascists in 1932 as a nationalist alternative to the three mainstream political parties in Britain. Though the BUF achieved only limited success in some local elections, their existence caused frequent riots, usually instigated by Communist movements. Alarmed at the violence caused by the BUF, the government passed the Public Order Act in 1936 to restrict its activity. During the latter years of the decade, the party experienced a revival in popularity on the back of its anti-war campaign. The BUF was banned in 1940 and Mosley was interned for the duration of the war. The relative stability of democratic institutions, the long-time assimilation of Jews, and the lack of a strong, threatening Communist movement, had made it difficult for fascism to succeed in Britain.[33]
United States of America (1933-1941)
Louisiana governor and politician Huey Long built a powerful state machine and at the time of his assassination in 1935 was building a national following. Writers on the far left and far right did call him a fascist. Historians reject the designation.[34]
In the late 1930s some pro-German organizations seemed comfortable with fascist ideals. The Silver Legion of America (1933-1941), claiming around 15,000 members, managed to run a candidate for President on a third-party ticket, but was outlawed after Nazi Germany's declaration of war on the United States in late 1941. The German-American Bund openly supported Nazi Germany, and, like the Silver Legion, was banned during World War Two. Charles Coughlin, a Roman Catholic priest, used his nationally syndicated radio show to promote anti-Semitic and pro-fascist views.[35]
Differences among fascist movements
Despite the arousal of fascist movements across Europe and the world, many were different in their nature in ideology. Some, like the Iron Guard and Arrow Cross Party, had strong support among the proletariat. This was unlike Nazism and Italian Fascism, which relied more on the support of the middle class. Meanwhile, some regimes, especially those appointed by Hitler like Vichy France, were made up of the conservative and aristocratic elite. Others also had different degrees of Catholic elements. Some groups, like the ones in Croatia, Austria, Belgium, and Slovakia, had its roots in reactionary and populist Catholicism. The Iron Guard also had strong religious influences and was defined, by its leaders, as more of a religious order than a political party. Fascist leaders like Francisco Franco and Vidkun Quisling tried to stage direct military coups, while other fascist groups formed political parties and tried to take power through the existing democratic process, such as Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists.
See also
Notes
- Richard J. B. Bosworth, Mussolini's Italy: Life Under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915-1945 (2007).
- Spielvogel, Jackson J. (2010) [1996] Hitler and Nazi Germany: A History New York: Routledge. p. 1 ISBN 978-0131924697 Quote: "Nazism was only one, although the most important, of a number of similar-looking fascist movements in Europe between World War I and World War II."
- Orlow, Dietrick (200) The Lure of Fascism in Western Europe: German Nazis, Dutch and French Fascists, 1933–1939 London: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 6–9. ISBN 978-0230608658. Excerpt
- Eley, Geoff (2013) Nazism as Fascism: Violence, Ideology, and the Ground of Consent in Germany 1930–1945 New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415812634
- Kailitz, Steffen and Umland, Andreas (2017). "Why Fascists Took Over the Reichstag but Have Not captured the Kremlin: A Comparison of Weimar Germany and Post-Soviet Russia". Nationalities Papers. 45 (2): 206–21.
- Evans (2003), p. 229.
- Ramin Skibba (20 May 2019). "The Disturbing Resilience of Scientific Racism". Smithsonian.com. Retrieved 12 December 2019.
- Baum, Bruce David (2006). The Rise and Fall of the Caucasian Race: A Political History of Racial Identity. New York City/London: New York University Press. p. 156.
- Anton Pelinka, The Dollfuss/Schuschnigg Era in Austria: A Reassessment (Routledge, 2017).
- "Dois fatores contribuíram, de forma decisiva, na institucionalização da Justiça do Trabalho no Brasil, quais sejam: o surgimento das convenções coletivas de trabalho e a influência da doutrina da Itália, visto que nosso sistema acabou por copiar, em vários aspectos, o sistema italiano da Carta del Lavoro, de 1927, de Mussolini (regime corporativista)." Renato Saraiva and Aryanna Linhares.Curso de Direito Proessual do Trabalho (2016)
- Bakota, Carlos Steven, and Frank D. McCann. “Getulio Vargas and the Estado Novo: An Inquiry into Ideology and Opportunism.” Latin American Research Review, vol. 14, no. 1, 1979, pp. 205–210. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2502832. Accessed 25 Nov. 2020.
- Pinto A.C. (2020) Brazil in the Era of Fascism: The “New State” of Getúlio Vargas. In: Iordachi C., Kallis A. (eds) Beyond the Fascist Century. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46831-6_11
- João Fábio Bertonha, "Between sigma and fascio: an analysis of the relationship between Italian Fascism and Brazilian Integralism." Luso-Brazilian Review (2000): 93-105. online
- Guy Miron, The Waning of Emancipation: Jewish History, Memory, and the Rise of Fascism in Germany, France, and Hungary (2011).
- Bodó, Béla. "Paramilitary violence in Hungary after the first world war." East European Quarterly 38.2 (2004): 129-173.
- Lewis, Paul H. (2002-12-30). Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes. ISBN 9780313013348.
- Kay 1970, p. 68.
- Gallagher 2020, p. 43.
- Gallagher 2020, p. 2.
- Preto, R., ‘Crónica social’, Nação Portuguesa, 2ª série, Nº 1, July 1922, p. 34.
- José Hipólito Raposo, Dois Nacionalismos - L'Action française e o Integralismo Lusitano, Lisboa, Férin, 1929.
- Costa Pinto, António (2000). The Blue Shirts - Portuguese Fascists and the New State. Social Science Monographs, Boulder - Distributed by Columbia University Press, NY. ISBN 088033-9829.
-
- Costa Pinto, António (2000). The Blue Shirts - Portuguese Fascists and the New State (PDF). Social Science Monographs, Boulder - Distributed by Columbia University Press, NY. ISBN 088033-9829.
- Kay, Hugh (1970). Salazar and Modern Portugal. New York: Hawthorn Books. p. 55.
- Lewis, Paul H. (2002-12-30). Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes. ISBN 9780313013348.
- https://web.archive.org/web/20190305044027/http://www.naa.gov.au/collection/fact-sheets/fs183.aspx
- https://web.archive.org/web/20190330050831/http://naa.gov.au/collection/fact-sheets/fs28.aspx
- https://www.heraldsun.com.au/ipad/barossa-lied-about-war-injustice/news-story/9e77978638626617afc5da1c8cc057b2?sv=7b82061835890da72d15bd6aaa9f8662
- https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-17/a-history-of-nazis-and-the-far-right-in-australia/10713514?pfmredir=sm§ion=politics
- http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/becker-johannes-heinrich-9467
- Diálogos-Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História 13.1 (2009). online
- G. C. Webber, "Patterns of Membership and Support for the British Union of Fascists" Journal of Contemporary History (1984) 19#4 pp. 575-606 online
- William Ivy Hair (1996). The Kingfish and His Realm: The Life and Times of Huey P. Long. LSU Press. pp. 296–97. ISBN 9780807141069.
- Carl A. Sokoll, The German-American Bund as a model for American Fascism, 1924-1946 (Columbia UP, 1974).
Further reading
General
- Atkins, Stephen E. Encyclopedia of modern worldwide extremists and extremist groups (Greenwood, 2004).
- Blamires, Cyprian, ed. World fascism: a historical encyclopedia(Abc-Clio, 2006).
- Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascism and the Right in Europe 1919-1945 ( Routledge, 2014).
- Davies, Peter, and Derek Lynch, eds. The Routledge companion to fascism and the far right (Routledge, 2005). excerpt
- Davies, Peter J., and Paul Jackson. The far right in Europe: an encyclopedia (Greenwood, 2008). excerpt and list of movements
- Eatwell, Roger. 1996. Fascism: A History. New York: Allen Lane.
- Finchelstein, Federico. Transatlantic fascism: ideology, violence, and the sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919-1945 (Duke UJP, 2009).
- Gallagher, Tom (1983). Portugal: A Twentieth-century Interpretation. Manchester University Press. pp. 60, 99. ISBN 978-0719008764.
- Gallagher, Tom (1990). "Chapter 9: Conservatism, dictatorship and fascism in Portugal, 1914–45". In Blinkhorn, Martin (ed.). Fascists and Conservatives. Routledge. pp. 157–173. ISBN 004940086X.
- Gallagher, Tom (2020). Salazar : the dictator who refused to die. C Hurst & Co Publishers Ltd. ISBN 9781787383883.
- Kay, Hugh (1970). Salazar and Modern Portugal. New York: Hawthorn Books.
- Larsen, Stein Ugelvik, ed. Fascism outside Europe: the European impulse against domestic conditions in the diffusion of global fascism (East European Monographs, 2001).
- Mises, Ludwig von. 1944. Omnipotent Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War. Grove City: Libertarian Press.
- Morgan, Philip. Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (2003).
- Paxton, Robert O. 2004. The Anatomy of Fascism. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, ISBN 1-4000-4094-9
- Payne, Stanley G. 1995. A History of Fascism, 1914–45. Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 0-299-14874-2
- Petropoulos, Jonathan, "Co-Opting Nazi Germany: Neutrality in Europe During World War II." Dimensions 14.1 (2000): 13+. excerpt</ref>
- Reich, Wilhelm. 1970. The Mass Psychology of Fascism. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux.
Fascist ideology
- De Felice, Renzo Fascism : an informal introduction to its theory and practice, an interview with Michael Ledeen, New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Books, 1976 ISBN 0-87855-190-5.
- Fritzsche, Peter. 1990. Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5
- Griffin, Roger. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism", chapter in David Parker (ed.) Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560–1991, Routledge, London.
- Laqueur, Walter. 1966. Fascism: Past, Present, Future, New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997.
- Schapiro, J. Salwyn. 1949. Liberalism and The Challenge of Fascism, Social Forces in England and France (1815–1870). New York: McGraw-Hill.
- Laclau, Ernesto. 1977. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory: Capitalism, Fascism, Populism. London: NLB/Atlantic Highlands Humanities Press.
- Sternhell, Zeev with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri. [1989] 1994. The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution., Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
International fascism
- Coogan, Kevin. 1999. Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Autonomedia.
- Griffin, Roger. 1991. The Nature of Fascism. New York: St. Martin's Press.
- Ledeen, Michael A. 1972. Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928-1936. New York: H Fertig.
- Paxton, Robert O. 2004. The Anatomy of Fascism. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
- Weber, Eugen. [1964] 1985. Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.)
- Wallace, Henry. "The Dangers of American Fascism". The New York Times, Sunday, 9 April 1944.
- Robert Soucy. French Fascism: the First Wave, 1924–1933, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1995. and French Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933–1939, New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1995.
- John Githongo's Stanford University Distinguished Visitor Lecture 05-02-15.
External links
- Fascism Part I – Understanding Fascism and Anti-Semitism
- The Political Economy of Fascism – From Dave Renton's anti-fascist website
- Antifašistická Akcia Bratislava-Antifascism Action Bratislava. Slovak anti-fascism website
- Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt – Umberto Eco's list of 14 characteristics of Fascism, originally published 1995.
- Fascism and Zionism – From The Hagshama Department – World Zionist Organization
- Site of an Italian fascist party Italian and German languages
- Site dedicated to the period of fascism in Greece (1936–1941)
- Support for Hitler (or Fascism) in the United States – A pathfinder at Radical Reference
- Text of the papal encyclical Quadragesimo Anno.
- Profits über Alles! American Corporations and Hitler by Jacques R. Pauwels