Juan José Palomino Jiménez

Juan José Palomino Jiménez (1895-1977) was a Spanish entrepreneur and politician. In business he is known mostly as co-owner and manager of Palomino & Vergara, a sherry brand popular in Spain and beyond between the 1930s and the 1960s; he also contributed to development of the xérès winegrowing business. Politically he supported the Traditionalist cause. In 1932 he was involved in Sanjurjada, a coup intended to topple the Republican government. In 1933–1936 he served as a Carlist deputy to the Cortes, while in 1968–1971 he was president of Junta Suprema Tradicionalista, the top Carlist executive structure.

Juan José Palomino Jiménez
Born1895
El Puerto de Santa Maria, Spain
Died1977
Jerez de la Frontera, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationentrepreneur
Known forpolitician
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth
Jerez de la Frontera, early 20th c.

Most authors when referring distant Palomino past point to a half-mythical knight Fernán Yáñez Palomino, who originated either from Cantabria[1] or Navarre.[2] He made his name during Reconquista,[3] distinguished himself in service of Alfonso X and settled in the area of Jerez de la Frontera in the 13th century.[4] A frequently repeated account holds that the Palominos have been since then busy with "cultivo del viñedo y crianza de vinos"[5] in the region, though documents confirm this starting the year of 1483.[6] During the following four centuries the family got very branched and scattered throughout not only the province of Cádiz, but also across most of Western Andalusia.

None of the sources consulted provides information on what particular branch the ancestors of Juan José belonged to, apart that they have emerged as large landowners in Campiña de Jerez and continued to grow wine. Close to nothing is known about the paternal grandfather, Pedro Palomino, apart that probably in the early 19th century he married Margarita López[7] and kept developing the family wine business. Their son and the father of Juan José, Francisco Palomino López,[8] at unspecified time married María del Rosario Jiménez García[9] (died after 1933);[10] there is no closer information available either on her on her family.[11] Accessible data on the couple is confusing[12] and subject to doubt.[13]

Nothing is known on childhood and education of Juan José. He was born in a coastal town of El Puerto de Santa María,[14] but it is not clear whether he frequented schools there or in Jerez de la Frontera, where the family moved some time in the late 19th century.[15] It is possible if not likely that he received schooling in the Marianist college, operational in Jerez; later on Palomino was very active in Los Luises, a congregation ran by the order.[16] It is neither known whether and if yes where he pursued an academic career. A typical path for a young man from a well-off family would have been studying law, most likely in Seville, but there is no confirmation of Palomino graduating either in the early 1920s or at any other time.

Palomino & Vergarra bodegas

At unspecified time but prior to 1927[17] Palomino married Isabel Vergara Sanchiz (1895-1977),[18] a girl from Jerez and descendant to another wealthy winegrower family.[19] It is possible that the marriage was part of a wider agreement, as at the time the two houses merged to create a joint Palomino & Vergara company. However, information related is confusing; some sources suggest that the Palominos and the Vergaras might have been running a joint business since the late[20] or even early 19th century.[21] The couple lived on family estate in Jerez de la Frontera and either owned or co-owned with other relatives the wine economy inherited. There is no information on their children and it appears that they were childless.[22] None of Palomino's relatives became a public figure.[23]

Early public engagements (before 1932)
Palomino with friends, early 1930s

Little is known about political preferences of Palomino's ancestors; some information suggest they were related to Integrism. In the 1880s his father appeared in El Siglo Futuro as co-signatory of letters, protesting alleged mistreatment of the Catholics.[24] The family of Palomino's in-laws, the Vergaras, were distantly related to the Nocedal family;[25] the Nocedals, the Vergaras and the Palominos maintained family relations.[26] However, there is no confirmed information of either the Palominos or the Vergaras as active in the movement. It is known that Juan José received a “sólida formación tradicionalista”[27] and was very religious, when possible attending the mass every morning.[28] In the late 1910s and the early 1920s he was very active in Congregación Marianista de San Luis Gonzaga,[29] a Catholic charity and educational institution. In 1919 he was noted in labors to contain the Spanish Flu pandemic[30] and in 1920 he grew to membership in provincial executive of the organisation.[31]

There is nothing known of Palomino's public activity in the early and mid-1920s, the final years of liberal Restoration regime and most of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. It is not known whether he joined the primoderiverista organizations, especially Unión Patriótica and Somatén. However, he was on at least correct terms with the local regime administration, as at unspecified time and in early 1928 latest he was nominated to the Jerez de la Frontera town hall, at the time its members not elected, but appointed by the provincial administration. As councilor he entered two committees: this of policia rural and this of instrucción pública, asuntos jurídicos y cárcel.[32] His membership in ayuntamiento was confirmed in the last voting of the monarchy; the local elections of April 1931, which ultimately brought about the fall of the monarchy, secured Palomino's renewed term in the town hall.[33]

office premises of Palomino & Vergara, Jerez de la Frontera

Information on Palomino's political preferences of the very early 1930s is inconclusive. In October 1930 he was active in Partido Católico Nacional, an Integrist organisation created after the fall of Primo; Palomino entered the local Junta Directiva and became its secretary, apparently on excellent terms with the party leader in Western Andalusia, Manuel Fal Conde.[34] However, in the local elections of 1931 he ran as "gremialista" against the republican-socialist coalition[35] and the following year he was still counted within "minoría gremial".[36] During the first Republican electoral campaign of June 1931 he co-financed the Jerez branch of Acción Nacional, a broad conservative alliance “dominated by an energetic group of middle-class Integrists”.[37] In the summer he co-signed a manifesto, which declared setting up of a “partido político católico” within the general “tradicionalismo-integrista” current.[38] In August he co-founded a local Jerez right-wing alliance Unión de Derechas Independientes and entered its ruling junta;[39] in early 1932 as member of Juventud of Derechas Independientes he invited José Antonio Primo de Rivera to Jerez and entertained him during a banquet.[40] Also in early 1932 he took part in a joint rightist conference in Jerez, attended by one of the Carlist national leaders Conde de Rodezno.[41]

Sanjurjada and its aftermath (1932–1933)
Sanjurjo

In the summer of 1932 some high army officers, perturbed by a series of Republican reforms targeting the military and outraged by contemptuous stand of Manuel Azaña, decided to stage a coup and topple the Madrid government. In Andalusia the plot was headed by general Sanjurjo. It appears that in Jerez de la Frontera local conservative activists were involved in the conspiracy. At 8 PM on August 9, few hours prior to the agreed start of the rebellion, local Unión de Derechas Independientes leaders gathered during a one-hour meeting; Palomino was among them. The agenda remains unclear, but a historian suspects they were discussing logistics of the coup in Jerez.[42] During the night the civilians involved who owned cars, including Palomino, used their machines to transport Guardia Civil members from county village posts to Jerez.[43] In the early morning hours of August 10 the same cars were used in a co-ordinated action of detaining local syndicalist and left-wing activists.[44]

Once the local commanding officer Arturo Roldán Trápaga assumed power in Jerez, Palomino and other UDI leaders offered their services. Roldan declared no further aid was needed,[45] and called for a formal town hall meeting; he asked the concejales present to remain calm and go home.[46] The alcalde contacted the Cádiz civil governor, who remained loyal to the government and demanded compliance. Alcalde then challenged Roldan, who – apparently bewildered - withdrew to the barracks. Early afternoon the mayor invited Palomino and councilors implicated for a meeting, locked them down and put under guard. In the evening they were transported to prison in Cádiz.[47] In few hours also the rebellious Seville garrison surrendered; Jerez and Seville were the only cities where for brief time the insurgents took control.

Palomino and other deportees during their stay in Villa de Cisneros

In September Palomino and 161 inmates involved in the coup, soon to become known as Sanjurjada, were transported from Cádiz to Villa de Cisneros, a Spanish military outpost in Africa.[48] Though technically under arrest, they were treated rather leniently; not restrained to their cells, they enjoyed fishing or taking long walks.[49] Palomino emerged among informal leaders of the group, gaining respect due to “serenidad de su juicio y la inflexibilidad de sus ideas”.[50] He reportedly set up and led a local Carlist circle.[51] It is the first confirmed information about his activity within Carlism, though numerous historians claim that already when deported, he had been zealously engaged in the movement[52] and even led the Cádiz Junta Regional.[53] Following “una conducta correctísima”[54] in February 1933 Palomino returned to Jerez, hailed by the local Traditionalists.[55] At this time part of his landholdings were already declared expropriated and subject to Agrarian Reform.[56] Formal legal proceedings against the plotters were concluded in February 1934 with the nolle prosequi verdict and their Cisneros detention counted in as part of the penalty.[57] Palomino, who was suspended as the Jerez concejal,[58] already in August 1933 got reinstated to this duties in the town hall.[59]

Carlist: deputy and conspirator (1933–1937)
Carlist standard

Back from Villa Cisneros Palomino threw himself into Carlist activity and toured the region in support of the cause.[60] It is not clear whether he entered regional Comuníon Tradicionalista executive; his popularity in the party nationwide remained limited.[61] Prior to the 1933 general elections and as representative of local CT he negotiated buildup of the Cádiz alliance, in sources referred either as Unión Ciudadana y Agraria[62] or Acción Ciudadana of Cadiz;[63] its electoral motto was “Por la Religión, por la Patria, por el Orden, por la Familia, por la Industria, por el Comercio, por la Verdad y en contra de los Enchufismos y de las muchas Casas Viejas”.[64] Palomino stood in Jerez and was comfortably elected; in Cortes he joined the Carlist minority.[65] His term lasted over 2 years, but was not marked by impressive activity.[66] Instead of politics, he was rather recorded for interventions related to support for Jerez[67] or for the winegrowing business.[68]

Either in 1933[69] or in 1934 Palomino purchased Diario de Jerez, since then referred as part "de la trust carlista de Fal Conde";[70] he also kept supporting the unofficial Carlist national mouthpiece El Siglo Futuro by systematically publishing adverts of his wine business.[71] In 1934 he entered the ruling board of the party-controlled publishing house Oficina de Prensa Tradicionalista[72] and in 1935 was nominated to Junta de Hacienda, a body entrusted with management of the party financials.[73] In 1935-1936 he was among relatively few Carlists[74] engaged in Bloque National, an alliance with the Alfonsinos.[75] During the 1936 electoral campaign as the CT representative he co-engineered a local Acción Ciudadana alliance,[76] which eventually materialized as Candidatura Antirrevolucionaria;[77] during the violent campaign Diario de Jerez premises were burnt by left-wing mob and the daily ceased to issue.[78] The campaign itself was ultimately a failure; Palomino lost to Frente Popular competitors and failed to get his Cortes ticket renewed.[79]

Pre-war drill of Andalusian requeté

Palomino was intrinsically involved in Carlist anti-Republican conspiracy of 1936; details are unclear.[80] Jerez was easily seized by the rebels and Andalusian Carlism enjoyed its days of triumph, but in late 1936 Palomino was scarcely noted for his party activity, recorded rather during religious services to the fallen requeté.[81] Though he did not form part of the nationwide Carlist executive Juna Nacional Carlista, he counted among members of the broad party command layer. He was present during the crucial Carlist meeting in Insua of February 1937, when regent-claimant and the movement leaders discussed the threat of forced amalgamation into a unificated state party. It is not clear whether Palomino sided with the tractable Rodeznistas or with the intransigent Falcondistas,[82] even though for years he remained a close acquaintance of Fal Conde. However, following the Unification Decree Palomino was not listed as member of the FET structures; quite to the opposite, following 1937 he entirely disappeared from politics. If present in the press, it was because of the winegrowing business he kept advertising;[83] indeed, it seems that during the following decades Palomino dedicated his time to commercial activities.

Palomino and Vergara
P&V bodega, Jerez

As the marriage of Juan José Palomino and Isabel Vergara was parallel to merger of Palomino and Vergara winegrowing businesses, he was possibly expected to take over the joint enterprise. Since the mid-1920s the press referred to the "Palomino y Vergara bodega"[84] or to "señores Palomino y Vergara" as owners and managers, but it is not clear whether the Palomino in question was Juan José or his father.[85] The first identified appearance of the Palomino & Vergara brand is dated in 1931.[86] None of the sources consulted clarifies when Juan José Palomino became the key decision-maker in the enterprise; his father-in-law was active until 1935[87] and this is also the last time when the press referred to "señores Palomino y Vergara".[88] In the late 1930s the company was entirely aligned with Palomino's Carlist political preferences; its beverages were named “Margaritas”,[89] “Tradicionalista”,[90] “Requeté”[91] and “Carlista”;[92] some of these products were marketed until the early 1940s.[93]

In the mid-1940s Palomino attempted a dynamic expansion on the Spanish market. As he lacked funds, he intended to transform the company from family business to a joint-stock public limited company, the first of this kind among the Jerez wine enterprises.[94] In 1947 he set up a Madrid-based Palomino SA, which controlled Palomino & Vergara.[95] He was also opening branches across the country, with regional offices in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Bilbao, Oviedo, Palma, Santander, Logroño, Burgos and Zaragoza.[96] At that time P&V offered a wide range of products, principally brandy (Tres Racimos,[97] Vencedor, Centurion,[98] Eminencia) and various types of sherry: cortado (Bulería), fino (Tío Mateo),[99] oloroso (Los Flamencos)[100] and amontillado (John Peter).[101] The company produced also anisette (La Jerezana)[102] ponche (Carlista)[103] and gin (Palomino).[104] Its large Jerez bodega complex, known as “12 disciples”, was plugged into the railway network by means of own dedicated siding.[105]

P&V ponche "Carlista"

The history of Palomino & Vergara in the 1950s is somewhat unclear. The company was very active commercially, e.g. presenting its products during glitzy fashion shows in Madrid[106] or at commercial trade fairs abroad.[107] On the other hand, it seems that Palomino was gradually losing control over the business, as constant need of capital and investments led to increasingly dispersed ownership of the company. In 1963 P&V – the brand served to kings, presidents and prime ministers[108] - was taken over by a multi-business conglomerate Rumasa.[109] It is not clear whether Palomino retained any influence in the executive structures or whether he retired entirely.[110] The product portfolio was reduced; though heavily marketed, the key products[111] - the brandy Fabuloso and the fino Tío Mateo – were positioned somewhere below their market competitors.[112] In the early 1980s Rumasa was expropriated by the government due to heavy financial irregularities, and its assets were sold out. P&V was bought by a British investor[113] who went on with Tio Mateo.[114] Later the brand was purchased by a Spanish company and is currently owned by Bodegas Dios Baco;[115] however, it disappeared commercially[116] and there are no products branded Palomino & Vergara on the market.

Carlist: inactivity and resurgence (1937–1967)
P&V brandy "Requete"

There is scarcely any information on Palomino's political engagements between the late 1930s and the late 1950s. None of historiographic works dealing with Carlism of the so-called primer franquismo mentions his name;[117] the only episodes identified refer to religious activities and are vaguely flavored with Traditionalism, like his 1940 co-founding of a Catholic publishing house[118] or a 1946 pilgrimage to Rome.[119] However, Palomino at least maintained correspondence with party heavyweights. When in 1956-1958 the official Carlism turned a corner and changed its non-collaboration stand versus Francoism to cautious rapprochement, Palomino was on good terms with leaders of both currents, the departing leader Manual Fal[120] and the new one José María Valiente.[121] It is known that at the moment of takeover in 1957 Palomino was a “jefe regional de Sevilla”, which probably stands for leadership in Western Andalusia; Valiente intended to nominate him the head for entire Andalusia, which generated some dissent in the local Granada jeafatura.[122] The idea was probably abandoned, as in 1962 Palomino was still noted as the CT leader in Andalusia Occidental.[123]

Palomino was noted mostly for ceremonial roles in the party, e.g. in the late 1950s he entertained the Carlist infante Don Carlos Hugo[124] or in the early 1960s he played host to infanta María de las Nieves during their tours to Seville and around.[125] It started to change with mid-decade approaching; in 1963 he co-signed “El Carlismo y la unidad católica”, an official party document which voiced against the perspective of introducing religious liberty in Spain.[126] One year earlier he was nominated to a 6-member Comisión Especial de Estudios Económicos, a party body entrusted with sanating the ailing CT budget, always in dramatic shortage of cash.[127] The appointment was related to his image of a successful businessman, “hombre de impresa” active in various chambers of commerce and capable of pulling many strings.[128] However, it seems that at this role he did not meet expectations; in 1964 Palomino was noted struggling to sort things out.[129] In 1965 he was eventually appointed the carlist jefe in all of Andalusia;[130] his public activity was about opening new party círculos or presiding over grand requeté ex-combatant rallies.[131]

Carlist rally near Madrid, mid-1960s

Until the mid-1960s Palomino was not noted for any role in decision-making process within the party. At the time it was increasingly divided between the Traditionalists and the new breed of militants grouped around Don Carlos Hugo, who pursued an increasingly heterodox agenda. It is not clear whether Palomino engaged in rivalry between the two factions, though his unswerving loyalty to the dynasty, shared with his close friend Fal,[132] rendered him a potential ally of the Huguistas. When in 1965 they enforced major shakeup in party executive strucutes,[133] by some dubbed “internal coup within Carlism”,[134] Palomino found himself promoted; he entered Junta de Gobierno, a new collegial body auxiliary to the party jefe Valiente.[135] In 1966 CT introduced a new command layer, “delgaciones regias”, with Spain divided into 5 zones;[136] Palomino was nominated head of “South of Spain”.[137]

Carlist: elevation to leadership (1967–1968)
Valiente (earlier photo)

In 1967 the Huguistas were almost fully in control of the party; the last obstacle to total domination was the movement leader Valiente, eventually manoeuvred into dismissal later this year.[138] The vacated post of Jefe Delegado was not filled and Junta de Gobierno was dissolved;[139] a new collegial executive Junta Suprema Tradicionalista was set up, and the king-claimant Don Javier nominated Palomino its president,[140] nominally the highest political position in the movement.[141] However, as the Junta rarely met, real power rested with Secretaría General,[142] which controlled all communication with regional jefaturas.[143] In terms of internal power struggle, Palomino is currently considered a representative of the Carlist “old wave”, people whose elevation gave comfort to the Traditionalists, but who were ready to accept the new trends.[144] The new setup was worked out in final months of 1967, but was made public in early 1968.[145]

Rally at the summit of Montejurra, late 1960s

At that time Carlist leaders were still hoping that collaborationist stand towards Francoism might eventually bring the dynasty somewhat closer to the throne. In public statements Palomino confirmed this policy to the full; he declared that Comunión Tradicionalista would act within the legal framework, which allows some competition of ideas united by the “spirit of 18 July”, and would work towards the crowning of their claimants.[146] Careful not to breach the limits of loyalty to the regime he carefully hinted about a need for “reconstrucción política de nuestro tiempo” and claimed 500,000 Carlist affiliates in 7,000 círculos;[147] he also stressed that animosity between the Falangists and the Carlists was a thing of the past.[148] However, while Palomino declared no major change to general concilliatory policy of the movement, the Huguistas were already bent on “linea de dura oposición política al Régimen”.[149]

Already in early 1967 Palomino was in presidency of major Carlist rallies like the traditional Montejurra gathering;[150] in 1968 he presided over the Montserrat[151] rally and the Montejurra ascent. It is not clear whether - aged 72 - he climbed the summit, but he played key role during ceremonies on the foothills in the Irache monastery and in Estella.[152] In the summer of 1968 he entertained the infant Don Carlos Hugo and his wife Doña Irene on their tour across southern Spain[153] and in November that year he hosted infanta Maria Teresa in Cadiz and around.[154] Palomino started to feature in Huguista propaganda prints, like the Montejurra review; he was presented as a leader utterly loyal to the dynasty who was first to support all royal initiatives, e.g. opened bank accounts for charity initiative of princess Irene.[155] It is not clear whether he double-hatted as the Andalusian regional jefe.[156]

Carlist: leader or figurehead (1968–1971)
Princess Irene and Don Carlos Hugo

Don Carlos Hugo and the Huguistas were adopting an increasingly challenging stand towards Francoism; the process climaxed when the prince and most of his family were expelled from Spain in late 1968. Palomino presided over the urgently convened sitting of Junta Suprema, which was raided and broken by the police. The later Junta declaration protested the expulsions and maintained that Carlism would never bend to "any group of interest", which probably stood for supporters of Don Juan Carlos. In return, official press published an open letter from a group of requeté ex-combatants aligned with the Juanista claim, who declared that "negamos a esa Junta el derecho a hablar en nombre del Carlismo".[157]

Opposition to Palomino-led jefatura originated also in Carlist circles unrelated to Juanismo and Don Juan Carlos. The traditionalists were increasingly alarmed by progressist, left-wing course adopted by the movement leaders; already in 1968 Palomino started to receive letters protesting implementation of new proto-socialist threads and demanding that he cracks down on subversive currents.[158] Among many voices of dismay[159] the one which gained particular popularity was this of Jesús Evaristo Casariego. In 1970 he first addressed Palomino with an alarming letter,[160] and upon receiving no response he published a pamphlet Interpelación a la Junta Suprema de la Comunión Tradicionalista: ¿A dónde se quiere llevar al Carlismo?, which lambasted some official statements of CT leaders as downright scandalous.[161]

It is not exactly clear what the position of Palomino was and whether – already in his mid-70s – he realized the nature of struggle going on within the movement. Most information available points to his mostly ceremonial appearances, like presidency over homages to Carlist martyrs[162] or over ex-combatant Quintillo rallies, e.g. in 1969[163] or 1970.[164] Some scholars count him among promoters of the new left-wing course,[165] others assume he was merely acquiescent or disoriented.[166] The only clear guideline he followed was total loyalty to the claimant, who also declared full trust in Palomino; when the latter hinted about inefficiency of the Junta,[167] Don Javier responded that nomination of a new Jefe Delegado was inopportune and that Palomino and the Junta enjoyed absolute confidence.[168]

Montejurra ascent, early 1970s

In late 1970 the Huguistas decided to complete their takover of Carlism by transforming the movement into a mass party of the Left. The change was consumed at Congreso de Pueblo Carlista, staged in France; it is not clear whether Palomino attended. At unclear date between May 1971 and July 1971 he was dismissed from presidency of Junta Suprema, though he remained its member.[169] The official reason quoted was “failure to sort out economic issues entrusted to him”.[170] In September Junta Suprema was dissolved and replaced by Junta de Gobierno; Palomino was not appointed its member.[171] Later this year and in the atmosphere of all-out war between the traditionalists and the progressists, he lost also his seat in executive of the ex-combatant organisation.[172] Following this episode there is no further information on Palomino's public or Carlist activity.

See also

Footnotes
  1. see e.g. Palomino entry, [in:] Bisabuelos service, available here, or Karen MacNeil, The Wine Bible, New York 2015, ISBN 9780761187158, p. 458
  2. Palomino entry, [in:] HeraldryInstitute service, available here
  3. Palomino wine entry, [in:] WineSearcher service, available here
  4. Becky Sue Epstein, Strong, Sweet and Dry: A Guide to Vermouth, Port, Sherry, Madeira and Marsala, London 2019, ISBN 9781789141863, p. 312. Some sources claim the Palominos might have been growing wine since the 10th century, referred after Julian Jeffs, Sherry, London 2019, ISBN 9781910902905, p. 48
  5. Francisco Quirós Linares, Estudios de geografía histórica e historia de la geografía: obra escogida, Oviedo 2006, ISBN 9788483175200, p. 350
  6. Jeffs 2019, p. 27
  7. "Pedro Palomino" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  8. "Francisco Palomino López" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here. Information is not confirmed as it comes from a single source. Local press reported death of a “Francisco Palomino y López” in 1885, El Guadalete 04.10.89, available here
  9. María del Rosario Jiménez García" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  10. in 1934 she was in very bad health, El Guadalete 21.04.34, available here
  11. she was daughter to Antonio Jiménez and María García, "María del Rosario Jiménez García" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  12. in 1891 religious service was held in Jerez the souls of defunct Francisco Palomino Lopez and Rosario Jimenez, El Guadalete 01.10.91, available here
  13. one and the same source claims that their daughter was born in 1862, but that her brother was born 34 year later, in 1896, "María del Rosario Jiménez García" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  14. Juan José Palomino Jimenez" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  15. Quirós Linares 2006, p. 350
  16. El Guadalete 23.01.17, available here
  17. in 1927 Palomino as a witness attended the wedding of her sister, El Guadalete 01.07.27, available here 1
  18. "Isabel Vergara Sanchiz" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  19. she was daughter to Juan Mateo Vergara Quesada (1862-?) and Manuela Sanchiz Quesada (1867-?), both born and probably resident in Jerez de la Frontera, "Juan Mateo Vergara Quesada" entry, [in:] Geneanet service, available here
  20. España Productora y Comercial 10.09.35, available here
  21. Antonio Mariscal Trujillo, Mudo testigo, [in:] Diario de Jerez 13.09.2000
  22. no source mentions any of his children. His death notice lists a number of relatives, but not any descendants, compare Don Juan J. Palomino Jiménez, [in:] Palomino & Vergara FB account 28.12.16, available here
  23. there was no family relationship between Juan José Palomino Jiménez and Ángel Palomino Jiménez, a writer popular in the late 20th century
  24. El Siglo Futuro 14.02.82, available here
  25. José María Nocedal y Mayo married Maria Rufina Vergara Gordon; exact relationship of José María Nocedal to the Integrist leader Ramón Nocedal is not clear
  26. El Guadalete 02.08.32, available here
  27. Jesús Evaristo Casariego, La verdad del Tradicionalismo: aportaciones españoles a la realidad de Europa, Madrid 1940, p. 137
  28. Diario de Burgos 23.10.43, available here
  29. El Guadalete 23.01.17, available here
  30. El Guadalete 29.01.19, available here
  31. El Guadalete 10.06.20, available here
  32. El Guadalete 10.11.28, available here
  33. El Guadalete 14.04.31, available here. Few months later but already under the Republican administration, in October 1931, Palomino received another official appointment; he member of Comité Paritario de Dependencias y Oficiales of Jerez de la Frontera, a labor arbitration committee. Palomino too his seat from the "vocales propietarios efectivos" pool, El Guadalete 30.10.31, available here
  34. El Guadalete 14.10.30, available here
  35. El Guadalete 30.04.31, available here
  36. El Guadalete 06.07.32, available here
  37. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931–1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349, pp. 52–53
  38. others founders were Manuel Fal Conde, Gabriel Matute, Javier Vergara, Lucio Bascuñana, Jesús Merello, Juan Cervera, Fernando Quiñones and Francisco Contreras y Víctor Cano, Manuel Ignacio Rey Soto, La derecha gaditana en la Segunda República (1931-1936) [MA thesis Universidad de Cadiz], Cadiz 2018, p. 80
  39. El Guadalete 01.08.31, available here
  40. El Guadalate 01.03.32, available here
  41. El Guadalete 07.01.32, available here
  42. Joaquín Gil Honduvilla, Los sucesos de Jerez de la Frontera en la sublevación del 10 de agosto de 1932; el 28 tercio de la Guardia Civil, [in:] Revista de Historia Militar 121 (2017), p. 24
  43. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 29
  44. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 31
  45. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 36
  46. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 37
  47. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 40
  48. El Guadalete 22.09.32, available here
  49. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 44
  50. Casariego 1940, p. 137
  51. the Carlist cell set up in Villa Cisneros was formally Junta Dependiente of the Andalucia Occidental party structures, José Luis Agudín Menéndez, Una libertad para todos? El Siglo Futuro, La Constancia, Tradición y Pensamiento Alavés tras la Sanjurjada, [in:] ResearchGate service 2017, p. 14
  52. when referring to Sanjurjada, one historian names Palomino “dirigente tradicionalista”, Agudín Menéndez 2017, p. 14, another one counts him among Traditionalist “dirigentes andaluces”, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 299, one more scholar dubbs him “ardent Carlist”, Jiří Chalupa, Don Carlos a ti druzí: Karlistické války ve Španělsku v letech 1833–1939, Praha 2008, ISBN 9788087027578, p. 218
  53. Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957) [Phd thesis Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, p. 211. The same author claims that among the deportees there were 5 members of the regional Andalusian Carlist executive, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 213
  54. El Guadalete 22.09.32, available here
  55. El Siglo Futuro 27.02.33, available here
  56. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 92, Heraldo de Madrid 11.10.32, available here
  57. Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 46
  58. El Guadalete 25.07.33, available here
  59. El Siglo Futuro 24.07.33, available here, El Guadalete 29.08.33, available here
  60. Casariego 1940, p. 137
  61. e.g. a luxury Carlist publication, issued on 100-th anniversary of the birth of Carlism, contained biograms of many Traditionalist politicians, but it did not feature Palomino, see Juan María Roma (ed.), Album Histórico del Carlismo, Barcelona 1933
  62. Rey Soto 2018, p. 57
  63. Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, José María Pemán: pensamiento y trayectoria de un monárquico (1897-1941), Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788477863052, p. 69
  64. Rey Soto 2018, p. 57
  65. see the official Cortes service, available here
  66. in the press Palomino was rather noted for his labors in the Jerez ayuntamiento, El Guadalete 24.03.35, available here, or in the local Cámara de Comercio, El Guadalete 04.04.36, available here
  67. e.g. in 1935 Palomino lobbied for construction of a railway line, which would run connect Jerez to major national route and run through a mountainous area, El Guadalete 22.08.35, available here
  68. some general data in Francisco Bernal García, El lobby del Jerez. El sindicato de criadores exportadores de vinos de Jerez de la Frontera, 1931-1938, [in:] VI Encuentro de la Asociación Española de la Historia Económica, Sevilla 2016, pp. 16-17. For details see e.g. to fighting for winegrowers interests and duties on alcohol El Guadalete 27.03.35, available here (question of taxation and duties on alcohol), or El Guadalete 12.12.35, available here (question of limits on currency exchange)
  69. According to one source Diario de Jerez was Palomino's property already during the 1933 electoral campaign, and featured a campaign titled "!Votemos contra la República!", Álvarez Chillida 1996, p. 70
  70. Ramón Reig García, La comunicación en Andalucía: historia, estructura y nuevas tecnologías, Sevilla 2011, ISBN 9788493907808, p. 117
  71. see e.g. El Siglo Futuro 05.02.36, available here
  72. El Siglo Futuro 29.11.35, available here
  73. Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXX/2, Sevilla 1979, p. 57
  74. Ferrer 1979, pp. 190-191
  75. see e.g. Palomino's March 1935 labors in the Andalusian Bloque Nacional, El Guadalete 19.03.35, available here
  76. El Guadalete 17.01.36, available here, Rey Soto 2018, p. 91
  77. El Guadalete 16.02.36, available here
  78. Juan José Téllez, Yanitos. Viaje al corazón de Gibraltar (1713-2013), Sevilla 2013, ISBN 9788494181757, p. 167
  79. in the 1936 elections Palomino gathered 55,802, more than during his successful 1933 campaign, El Guadalete 18.02.36, available here
  80. Montejurra III/34 (1968), p. 4
  81. La Unión 13.10.36, available here
  82. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 321
  83. in early 1937 Palomino published adverts mostly in Pensamiento Alaves, since September 1937 mostly in Imperio; since early 1938 they appeared in numerous titles
  84. El Guadalete 13.04.24, available here
  85. “señor Palomino” in question was probably Juan José, who at the time was already among major winegrowing businessmen in Jerez; in 1934 he co-founded and entered Consejo Regulador de la Denominación de Origen “Jerez – Xérès – Sherry”, Bernal 2016, p. 27
  86. La Prensa 15.08.31, available here
  87. El Guadalete 10.12.35, available here
  88. El Guadalete 10.05.35, available here
  89. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 211, José Luis Agudín Menéndez, Un rey viejo para tiempos nuebos; la construcción mediática del pretendiente Alfonso Carlos I en la prensa carlista durante la II República, [in:] Pasado y Mamoria 18 (2019), p. 146
  90. La Prensa 15.08.31, available here
  91. Labor 21.04.38, available here
  92. Cesar Alcalá, Más sobre vinos y licores, [in:] ALasCatacumbas blog 14.02.08 [link blocked by Wikipedia]
  93. political references were fairly common in the Jerez wine business and Palomino was no exception, for other samples see José Luis Jiménez, Monárquicos, republicanos y sublevados en la publicidad del jerez, [in:] La Voz Digital 17.09.06, available here. It is not known that political flavor spelled trouble to Palomino's business during the Republic, but it did translate into problems during Francoism later; censors suspected that the marketing slogan “la hora del cambio”, which accompanied the advertising campaign of the Fabuloso brandy, contained a veiled political message, Enrique Becerra, El vino de Jerez y Sanlúcar, s.l. 2017, ISBN 9788417044985, page unavailable, see here
  94. Hoja Oficial de Lunes 06.10.47, available here
  95. ABC 21.10.47, available here
  96. Diario de Burgos 23.10.47, available here
  97. La Prensa 15.08.31, available here
  98. the brandy “Requeté vencedor” was later re-named to “Centurion”, Cesar Alcalá, Más sobre vinos y licores, [in:] ALasCatacumbas blog 14.02.08, [link blocked by Wikipedia]
  99. Tio Mateo was positioned as a competitor to Tío Pepe, heavily marketed as “Lo único que no han podido destruir los rojos”
  100. Hoja Oficial de Lunes 28.05.62, available here
  101. Rafael Gines de Segundo, [in:] Palomino & Vergara Jerez FB profile 21.10.13, available here
  102. ABC 22.01.46, available here
  103. Cesar Alcalá, Más sobre vinos y licores, [in:] ALasCatacumbas blog 14.02.08, [link blocked by Wikipedia]
  104. Rafael Gines de Segundo, [in:] Palomino & Vergara Jerez FB profile 22.10.13, available here
  105. now the building serves as a post office, see GoogleMaps service, available here
  106. Diario de Burgos 20.03.57, available here
  107. Diario de Burgos 21.06.52, available here
  108. Palomino & Vergara products were served to former queen Victoria Eugenia, the Grimaldis, king Baldouin of Belgium, president Kennedy, president Marcos, and the prime minister Golda Meir, ABC 08.04.72, available here
  109. Paula MacLean, Bodegas: Palomino & Vergara, [in:] Jerez-Xeres-Sherry blog 20.08.12, available here
  110. Palomino is not mentioned in numerous press articles on Palomino & Vergara products, compare ABC 02.07.72, available here, ABC 08.04.72, available here, or ABC 25.08.73, available here
  111. in the 1960s the only P&V product heavily advertised in the press was the Fabuloso brandy
  112. Fabuloso was positioned somewhat below the iconic competitive brandy Veterano, while Tío Mateo was positioned below the competitive Tío Pepé, Cesar Alcalá, Más sobre vinos y licores, [in:] ALasCatacumbas blog 14.02.08, [link blocked by Wikipedia]
  113. P&V brand was purchased by Harvey, part of the Alliendyos conglomerate, Terry y Palomino y Vergara, para Harvey, según la comisión asesora de Rumasa, [in:] El País 11.06.85, available here
  114. Jeffs 2019, p. 27
  115. Bodegas Dio Baco, [in:] CosasDeCome service, available here/
  116. Paula MacLean, Bodegas: Palomino & Vergara, [in:] Jerez-Xeres-Sherry blog 20.08.12, [link blocked by Wikipedia], also Rumasa: the dark years of sherry, [in:] SherryNotes service 22.11.18, available here
  117. there is no historiographic work dedicated to Spanish Carlism of the early Francoism, though there is one focusing on the Navarrese Carlism. There are a few studies covering Carlism of mid- and late Francoism which in introductory chapters treat the 1940s and the 1950s; none mentions Palomino as active throughout this period, see Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641, based on PhD thesis El carlismo: transformación y permanencia del franquismo a la democracia (1962-1977), [PhD thesis Universidad de Navarra] 1996, Josep Miralles Climent, El Carlismo frente al estado español: rebelión, cultura y lucha política, Madrid 2004, ISBN 9788475600864, Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, Josep Miralles Climent, El carlismo militante (1965-1980). Del tradicionalismo al socialismo autogestionario [PhD thesis Universidad Jaume I], Castellón 2015, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015
  118. in 1940 Palomino co-founded Editorial Católica Española in Sevilla; it was presided by the archbishop, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 371
  119. Palomino travelled with Traditionalist militants José María Lamamie and Luis García Noelio, Martínez Sánchez 2002, p. 447. Palomino travelled also to Britain, probably on business. In 1946 he visited London and witnessed the House of Commons proceedings. When asked for comparison between the Commons and the Cortes, he responded that “aquí hablan, y nosotros declamamos; aquí discuten, y nosotros disputamos”, La Vanguardia Española 14.04.46, available here
  120. in a 1957 letter to Palomino Fal Conde criticised the collaborationist wave in the party, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407, p. 47
  121. in a 1958 letter to Palomino Valiente discussed would-be action to be taken against the so-called “Estorilos”, a group of Traditionalists who declared Don Juan the legitimate heir, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 65
  122. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 50
  123. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 81. One source claims that in February 1962 Palomino was among the dismissed “viejos jefes provinciales”, which suggests that until that point he double-hatted as a provincial jefe, though it is not clear which province (Sevilla? Cadiz?) was in question, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 160
  124. in 1959 Palomino, Barrau, Muñoz Chapuli and others hosted Don Carlos Hugo, Javier Lavardín, Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 78
  125. Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 142
  126. Palomino signes as jefe of Andalucia Occidental (the Andalucia Oriental jefe was Julio Muñoz Chapuli), García Riol 2015, p. 150
  127. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 178
  128. Montejurra III/34 (1968), p. 4
  129. in 1964 Palomino kept corresponding with local jefes on financial issues, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 234
  130. Montejurra I/7 (1965), p. 4; Montejurra I/12 (1965), p. 20. However, in 1966 the same source referred to Palomino as the leader for Andalucia Occidental, Montejurra II/13 (1966), p. 4
  131. Montejurra I/7 (1965), p. 4, Montejurra I/12 (1965), p. 20
  132. a monographic booklet refers to Palomino as to a “close friend” of Fal Conde, Ana Marín Fidaldo, Manuel M. Burgueño, In memoriam. Manuel J. Fal Conde (1894-1975), Sevilla 1980, p. 57
  133. José María Sentis Simeon was dismissed as president of Secretaria General and the entire body was dissolved. It was replaced with Secretaría Técnica de la Junta de Gobierno
  134. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 280-281, Lavardin 1976, pp. 251-252
  135. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 250-251. However, when in 1966 a new body, the 35-member Consejo Asesor de la Jefatura was set up, Palomino was not nominated, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 99-100
  136. the entities in question were Catalonia, Vascongadas & Navarra, León, Dos Castillas, and the South, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 101
  137. “the South of Spain” unit consisted of Andalusia, Extremadura, Murcia, the Canarias, Ceuta and Melilla, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 275
  138. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 333-337
  139. Junta de Gobierno was formed by Palomino and José María Valiente, José María Zavala, José Puig Pellicer, Ricardo Ruiz de Gauna y Lascuraín, Manuel Piorno Martín de los Ríos, Montejurra III/30 (1967), p. 16
  140. exact mechanism of Palomino's elevation is not clear. None of the sources consulted advances any theory as to why he and not any other militant was appointed to head the organisation. It is known, however, that at the time he was viewed within the party as an affluent businessman, and Huguistas used to turn to him for help as to sorting out the party financial problems, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 305
  141. Miralles Climent 2015, p. 67. Some authors claim that Palomino was nominated "jefe delegado", information not confirmed elsewhere, see e.g. José Carlos Clemente, Seis estudios sobre el carlismo, Madrid 1999, ISBN 9788483741528, p. 23
  142. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 129
  143. the head of Secretaria and the person who enjoyed most administrative power in the Comunión structures was José María Zavala, García Riol 2015, p. 114
  144. among “hombres de la ‘vieja ola’ que darían tranquilidad a los tradicionalistas, pero aceptaban la renovación”, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 300. This opinion is not shared unanimously. Another scholar maintains that Palomino was a “reprezentant ‘nového karlismu’”, Chalupa 2008, p. 256
  145. Vázquez de Prada 2016, pp. 333-337
  146. in a lengthy 1967 interview and still merely “delegato regional de la Zona Sur de España”, Palomino laid out his vision of the Spanish politics of the time. He claimed that "el general Sanjurjo deseaba una coordinación del Ejército con el pueblo. Por la parte de éste se fundó el Requeté y el 18 de julio", that "nuestros postulados e ideales están perfectamente interpretados en los Principios Fundamentales de 1958. Esa monarquía popular, social, católica y representativa que propugnan es un ideal puramente carlista", and that "actuamos dentro de la legalidad, naturalmente, pero con todas las posibilidades. Nuestras concentraciones de Montejurra, Cerro de los Angeles, etc., lo demuestran. Nuestra actitud, por otra parte, queda reflejada en el telegrama enviado por don Javier de Borbón Parma al Jefe del Estado, felicitándole por el avance que la Ley Orgánica supone para la realidad política y social de España". He noted that "Decreto [de unificación] es de 1937 y tenía un fin limitado. Era para el momento de la guerra. Concluida ésta no queríamos que la unificación derivase en un partido fascista. Manifestamos nuestra disconformidad y nos quedamos quietos. Hoy el Movimiento admite una ordenada concurrencia de criterios, y en eso estamos" "tenemos las ideas básicas de la monarquía tradicional española. Hay una dinastía españolísima que representa don Javier de Borbón Parma y su hijo don Carlos-Hugo. Están perfectamente preparados para reinar, y no como nuevos «amadeos»." As to the Carlists themselves, Palomino declared that "no somos retrógrados ni reaccionarios, aunque sea éste el sambenito que se nos cuelga" and that "en líneas generales, hay cosas que se pueden reformar y mejorar por cauces legales y pacíficos", Montejurra II/24 (1967) p. 9
  147. when officially taking over in February 1968, Palomino declared continuation of Valiente's policy. However, some of his phrases were ambiguous. On the one hand, he admitted “el mismo epíritu que os llamó al 18 de julio”, on the other he utteres some phrases about the need to rejuvenate: “formamos y promocionamos a la juventud, nos integramos en la sociedad para ser levadura de una monarquía popular, dialogamos con todos y queremos participar en la construcción del futuro Montejurra III/34 (1968) p. 4
  148. Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 403-404
  149. García Riol 2015, p. 114
  150. Montejurra III/26 (1967)
  151. Montejurra IV/38 (1968), p. 14
  152. Montejurra IV/37 (1968), p. 19, also Miralles Climent 2015, p. 107
  153. Montejurra IV/39-40 (1968), p. 11
  154. Montejurra IV/43 (1968), p. 21
  155. in 1968 Palomino opened bank accounts for Fondo Niños Biafra in response to the call from Princess Irene, Montejurra IV/42 (1968), p. 14
  156. in 1967 he was still referred to as such, Montejurra III/25 (1967), p. 27
  157. García Riol 2015, p. 239
  158. e.g. in 1968 one of the correspondents asked that: “pido que el Excmo. Sr. Presidente de la Junta Suprema de la Comunión haga una declaración tajante de la vigencia de nuestro sagrado lema, sin concesiones al error, en la seguridad de que ella servirá, no sólo para unir a todas nuestras fracciones dispersas, sino también a una inmensa mayoría de españoles que, sin ellos saberlo, piensan como nosotros y que están ansiosos de una política firme, recta y clara exenta de todo liberalismo”, García Riol 2015, p. 115
  159. García Riol 2015, p. 89
  160. García Riol 2015, p. 83
  161. García Riol 2015, p. 277, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 137
  162. e.g. in 1969 Palomino as president of Junta Suprema presided over homages to Antonio Molle Lazo, Montejurra IV/47 (1969), pp. 27, 29
  163. Montejurra IV/46 (1969), pp. 8-9
  164. Montejurra V/52 (1970), p. 6
  165. one historian claims that the new, progressist Carlist policy was “impulsada por Carlos Hugo, Zavala y Palomino”, García Riol 2015, p. 115; another scholar considers him “reprezentant ‘nového karlismu’”, Chalupa 2008, p. 256
  166. Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 300
  167. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 130
  168. Montejurra IV/46 (1969), p. 21
  169. in the spring of 1971 Palomino was referred in the Carlist press as merely “Miembro de la Junta Suprema y Delegado Regio de la Zona Sur”; the president of Junta Suprema was José Puig Pellicer, jefe of Andalucia Occidental was Guillermo García Pascual, and Andalucia Oriental was headed by Antonio Peña Suárez, Rodón Guinjoan 2015, pp. 510-511. According to one scholar Palomino was dismissed as president on July 27, 1971, Jacek Bartyzel, Królowie i przywódcy karlistowscy, [in:] Legitymizm service, available here, the same date is given in Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideológica del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Pamplona 1999, ISBN 9788460589327, p. 176
  170. Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, p. 224. Indeed, in late 1970 Palomino was nominated to Comisión Económica of CT, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 129
  171. Vallverdú i Martí 2014, p. 224
  172. in May 1971 Dirección Nacional de Acción Política y Participación, an offshoot Carlist organisation pitted against the Huguistas, demanded that Junta de la Hermandad Nacional de Antiguos Combatientes de Tercios de Requetés dismiss its president Ignacio Romero Osborne (Marqúes de Marchelina), Palomino and some other members, charged with violating Traditionalist principles, García Riol 2015, p. 312. Romero refused to step down. Police intervened and raided official premises of the Hermandad, which were then taken over by the rebels. Romero formed in France the new Junta of the Hermandad, but Palomino was not listed as its member, García Riol 2015, p. 317, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 338

Further reading
  • Francisco Bernal García, El lobby del Jerez. El sindicato de criadores exportadores de vinos de Jerez de la Frontera, 1931-1938, [in:] VI Encuentro de la Asociación Española de la Historia Económica, Sevilla 2016, pp. 2–40
  • Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931–1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521086349
  • Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN 9788431315641
  • Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965–1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015
  • Joaquín Gil Honduvilla, Los sucesos de Jerez de la Frontera en la sublevación del 10 de agosto de 1932; el 28 tercio de la Guardia Civil, [in:] Revista de Historia Militar 121 (2017), pp. 13–50
  • Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, UNED], Valencia 2009
  • Josep Miralles Climent, El carlismo militante (1965-1980). Del tradicionalismo al socialismo autogestionario [PhD thesis Universidad Jaume I], Castellón 2015
  • Manuel Ignacio Rey Soto, La derecha gaditana en la Segunda República (1931-1936) [MA thesis Universidad de Cadiz], Cadiz 2018
  • Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015
  • Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788416558407
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