General Confederation of Labour (France)
The General Confederation of Labour (French: Confédération Générale du Travail, CGT) is a national trade union center, founded in 1895 in the city of Limoges. It is the first of the five major French confederations of trade unions.
 | |
| Full name | General Confederation of Labour |
|---|---|
| Founded | September 1895 |
| Members | 710,000 |
| Affiliation | ITUC, ETUC |
| Key people | Philippe Martinez |
| Office location | Montreuil, France |
| Country | France |
| Website | www.cgt.fr |
It is the largest in terms of votes (32.1% at the 2002 professional election, 34.0% in the 2008 election), and second largest in terms of membership numbers.
Its membership decreased to 650,000 members in 1995–96 (it had more than doubled when François Mitterrand was elected president in 1981), before increasing today to between 700,000 and 720,000 members, slightly fewer than the Confédération Française Démocratique du Travail (CFDT).[1]
According to the historian M. Dreyfus, the direction of the CGT is slowly evolving, since the 1990s, during which it cut all organic links with the French Communist Party (PCF), in favour of a more moderate stance. The CGT is concentrating its attention, in particular since the 1995 general strikes, to trade-unionism in the private sector.[2]
History
1895: Creation
The CGT was founded in 1895 in Limoges from the merger of the Fédération des bourses du travail (Federation of Labour Councils) and the Fédération nationale des syndicats (National Federation of Trade Unions). Auguste Keufer was amongst the founders and became the first treasurer.[3]
1895–1914: Anarcho-syndicalism
Up until 1919 the CGT was dominated by anarcho-syndicalist tendencies, with Émile Pouget as vice-secretary and leader of the union from 1906 to 1909. The CGT was violently opposed to both the authorities and employers. Moreover, it refused to become affiliated with a political party.
In 1906, the Amiens Charter (Charte d'Amiens) proclaimed the independence of this trade union.
In 1909, members of the union management and hundreds of CGT members were killed by the French government led by Georges Clemenceau, who called the troops to open fire on the strikers.
World War I: Dissension
Under the leadership of Léon Jouhaux, the Confederation joined the "sacred union" during World War I, which provoked the CGT's first internal division. While Jouhaux tried to associate the CGT with the authorities, his opponents criticized the pervasive air of nationalism and the preference for struggle with the German proletarians rather than the French employers. They welcomed news of the 1917 October Revolution with hope.
In 1919, Pierre Monatte created the Revolutionary Syndicalist Committees (Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires) current inside the CGT, which opposed the trade-union's collaboration with the government during the war; carried out in the name of the Union sacrée national bloc.
The hope of October 1917
Following the Russian Revolution, the French labour movement became increasingly divided between revolutionaries who supported the Bolsheviks and strong action at home, and reformists who favoured moderation and re-affiliation to the pre-war Second International. One outcome of this division was the expulsion of the revolutionaries. Following the 1920 Tours Congress during which the majority of French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) members voted to accept Vladimir Ilyich Lenin's 21 Conditions, leading to the creation of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), the CGT also split.
Radicals created the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU), where communists initially cohabited with anarchists and revolutionary trade unionists.
Reconciliation and World War II
In 1934, left-wing parties united to counteract the far-right "ligues".
Two years later, the Popular Front won the 1936 legislative election.
At the same time, the CGT and the CGTU were reunited. Benoît Frachon negotiated in June with employers and the Government for the 1936 Matignon Agreements. Nevertheless, the Communists were as a result of the German-Soviet pact in 1939, then the CGT was dissolved by the Vichy government but it transformed itself into an organization in the Resistance.
It became increasingly influenced by the French Communist Party.
1945 to 1947 : Division
After the ejection of the Communists from the government and the 1947 General Strike, a further split took place, this time involving the departure of the reformist Right, followed in 1948, when Léon Jouhaux founded Workers' Force (Force ouvrière or FO) with U.S. Central Intelligence Agency support .
The FO criticized the Communist influence as being incompatible with the Charte d'Amiens; and they were generally socialist, some trotskyist, some anarchist.
In order to preserve its unity, the Federation for National Education (Fédération de l'Education nationale or FEN) left the CGT but did not join the FO.
The Communist Benoît Frachon became leader of the CGT.
Alliance and Union of the Left
Although the CGT was dominant in French trade unionism, it was isolated until 1966. At this moment, it chose to coordinate its actions with the French Democratic Confederation of Labour (Confédération française démocratique du travail or CFDT).
During May 1968 in France, the CGT was criticized by the far-left because its leader Georges Séguy had signed the Grenelle agreements with Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, it was assimilated as a betrayal of the revolution.
In the 1970s, it supported the "Union of Left" (alliance between the French Communist Party (PCF), Socialist Party (PS) and Parti Radical de Gauche (PRG)).
After the defeat of the 1978 legislative election, the alliance with the CFDT (who were more linked with the Socialist Party and turned right after the abandon of the "autogestion" (self-rule) and class struggle) was broken.
The 1980s
The election of Henri Krasucki in 1982, followed by the resignation of the Communist ministers (Charles Fiterman, Marcel Rigout and Jack Ralite) two years later, after the substitution of Laurent Fabius as Prime minister to Pierre Mauroy, led to an initial radicalisation of the confederation.
However, at the end of his term (1982–1992), Krasucki began to distance himself from the PCF.[2] His successor, Louis Viannet, did the same, going as far as resigning from the political bureau of the party.[2] Thus, during the 1990s, under the leadership of Viannet and Bernard Thibault, the CGT cut its organic links with the French Communist Party. It has succeeded in remaining one of the two major French union confederations, while the Communist Party has declined severely.
From the 1995 general strike to today
It was the leading trade-union in the 1995 general strike against Alain Juppé's plan of Welfare State reforms (in particular concerning pensions).
The CGT also protested against Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) minister François Fillon's project of pensions reforms in 2003.
In February 2005, the National Confederate Committee (CCN), the "Parliament" of the trade-union, rejected national secretary Bernard Thibault's support of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE).
Therefore, the CGT actively supported the "NO" during the 2005 referendum on the TCE, criticizing its neo-liberal orientation and weaknesses concerning the few democratic measures about the working of the European Union (EU) institutions.
In autumn 2005, the Marseillese section of the CGT, representing the more radical faction opposed to Bernard Thibault's more centrist views, demonstrated against the privatization of the SNCM ship company. The CGT then supported the student movement during the 2006 protests against the Contrat première embauche (CPE, First Employment Contract).
It supported the movement against the El Khomri law on labor in spring 2016.
The CGT left the Communist-oriented World Federation of Trade Unions at its 1995 congress and became a member of the European Trade Union Confederation in 1999. It is also a member of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) created in 2006.
However, several federations and regional branches of the CGT are affiliated to the WFTU.
Professional elections
The CGT won 34% of the vote in the employee's college during the 2008 professional elections, making it the largest trade union in terms of votes in those elections. This positive result marked the first professional election in which the CGT's vote share had not declined: it had declined constantly from 36.35% in 1987 to 32.13% in 2002.
In Africa
In 1937 CGT began organizing workers in French West Africa. The union's functioning was interrupted by its banning by the Vichy regime, but in 1943-1948 a process of reconstruction took place. The main centers of activity were Senegal, Ivory Coast, Togo and the French Soudan. CGT had an upper hand in the Muslim regions in comparison to its main rival CFTC, who depended on the presence of Catholic communities for its recruitment. CGT emerged as the major trade union force amongst the 100 000 strong organized labour force in Senegal and Mauritania after the Second World War.[4]
Within the CGT branches in the region, there was however a growing wish for independence. A leader of CGT in French West Africa, Bassirou Guèye, promoted this idea. At a meeting of the Territorial Union of Trade Unions in Senegal and Mauritania, held in Dakar November 11–November 12, 1955, the majority of delegates voted for separation from the French CGT. A conference was held in Saint-Louis on January 14–January 15, 1956 which formed the Confédération générale des travailleurs africains (CGTA), separating the parts of the West African CGT organizations from the French CGT. At the conference 50 out of 67 delegates had voted for separation.[5]
In Togo, CGT had 45,100 members in 1948 (65% of organized labour). By 1952 the number had decreased to 34,000 (46% of organized labour).[6]
CGT formed a branch in Madagascar in 1936.[7]
Support of week of global climate action
On July 16, 2019 Phillipe Martinez, Secretary General of the CGT, announced that the union will support the week of climate action beginning on September 20, 2019.[8]
Brief History of France's Peculiar Labor Movement
Since France takes over a large percentage of Europe, so-called socialist ideas such as worker's rights and fair wages, have made their way circling Europe for years. Typically, unions seek these ideals since socialism aims to even out and minimize wealth inconsistencies-something that a growing industry needs- as well as level the power between social classes. These socialist ideas created leverage for the proletariat to fight for fair wages and other various rights against their employers and government. While most workers would want this and always advocate for more pay, unions formed in France proved to be incredibly fragile. In France, socialism appeared before the first world war near the time of the Paris Commune of 1871. Naturally, groups with multidimensional socialist ideas formed and grew larger, especially in newly developing regions such as Europe. France, however, took a much different path compared to the paths of its well known European neighbors. The French unions advocated for rights that the employees collectively desired, yet few permanent changes were made. For example, some French unions seemed to prefer restrictionist policies to reduce some labor supply and ensure stability when unemployment levels would inevitably shift. These divergent ideals draw the curiosity of historians around the world and mark France as unique.
Socialist ideas grew in popularity with the European movements. Collectivism was an attractive ideal that most unions gravitated towards since larger numbers of people were more influential than small groups. Masses posed a larger threat to employers who needed their workers to be efficient as well as compliant for the sake of money-making. This was not the case in France. The French labor movement was known for syndicalist measures in which the advancement of worker's rights was achieved through strikes. These strikes occurred throughout the nineteenth century, eventually spreading out of France and Europe to countries in the west such as the United States. Unionists were far more advanced than those in the United States as France was fairly urban. As factory industries grew, the increased demand for goods prompted workers to advocate for higher wages. The economic systems of urbanizing countries grew quickly which also affected social standing. For the most part, steady growth is the one to be praised, since socio-economic stability can be accomplished. France was a fair example of this comfortable growth which allowed workers to become skilled in their profession. France, although urbanizing, did not bandwagon onto the factory lives that workers in other European countries adhered to. Many businesses maintained individualistic goods that were not one standard of quality. Unfortunately for the general bourgeoisie, competing with an international market was much more difficult to do which sometimes hurt France's economy. Urbanizing hid slow economic growth in France, which was typically not obvious in unionism.[9]
Unions are thought of as strong and defensive, yet the French unions were fairly weak and small. Compared to those in Britain, there were far fewer people, of those, only a few even carried membership cards. Today, an established percentage of people need to have cards. Although quite small, the bourgeoisie still showed defiance toward their bosses and enjoyed rebellion to slowly make positive advancements and changes in their work lives. If not for the French worker's rebellious nature, they would not have been noticed in Europe's socialist development. Many of the workers were involved with groups such as other trade unions, and political groups such as various socialist parties. Since France's unions and the people involved in them were such an enigma, there is speculation over whether they rejected the grander revolutionary movements or shared the same ostracism as other workers throughout Europe. It can be assumed that because there were few French unions and they were not overflowing with people, workers did not put forth their criticisms and essentially let some of them go. By default, this weirdness of failed unions brought much attention to France's moment of the revolutionary movement. This set France's industrialization on a different path, then say that of Great Britain, which is much more well known. These paradoxical views and the seeming backwardness of the labor movements seemed to have various outcomes of economics-mainly slow growth- and some social inequality and instability for France.[10]
Affiliates
Federations
Other affiliates
- Federal Union of State Trade Unions (UFSE)
- General Union of Engineers, Managers and Technicians CGT (UGICT)
- Confederation of CGT retirees' union (UCR)
- Young CGT
- National Committee for the Fight and Defense of the Unemployed
Former federations
| Affiliate | Abbreviation | Founded | Reason not affiliated | Year | Membership (1937)[14] | Membership (1946)[14] |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Air, War and Navy Federation | 16,000 | 15,000 | ||||
| Bridge and Road Engineers' Federation | ||||||
| Clothing Federation | 1892 | Merged into THCB | 1985 | 110,000 | 74,000 | |
| Commercial Travellers' Federation | 6,000 | 20,000 | ||||
| Coopers' Federation | 18,000 | 18,000 | ||||
| Designers' and Technicians' Federation | Dissolved | 1945 | 79,000 | N/A | ||
| Federation of Employees | FEC | 1893 | Joined FO | 1947 | 285,000 | 200,000 |
| Federation of Workers in the Wood, Furniture and Allied Industries | Merged into FNSCBA | 2011 | ||||
| French Federation of Book Workers | FFTL | 1881 | Merged into FILPAC | 1982 | 60,000 | 55,000 |
| General Administration Federation | 23,000 | ? | ||||
| Glass Federation | 30,000 | 23,000 | ||||
| Hairdressers' Federation | 22,000 | 20,000 | ||||
| Hatters' Federation | 10,000 | 10,000 | ||||
| Jewellers', Goldsmiths' and Watchmakers' Federation | 12,000 | 8,000 | ||||
| National Education Federation | Became independent | 1947 | 101,000 | 150,000 | ||
| National Federation of Agricultural Workers | FNTA | 1920 | Merged into FNAF | 1981 | 156,000 | 290,000 |
| National Federation of Ceramic, Faience, Pottery and Kindred Industries | 36,000 | 20,000 | ||||
| National Federation of Construction Workers | FNTC | 1920 | Merged into FNSCBA | 2011 | 540,000 | 700,000 |
| National Federation of Energy | FNE | 1905 | Merged into FNME | 1999 | 80,000 | 105,000 |
| National Federation of Food, Hotels, Cafes and Restaurants | Merged into FNAF | 1981 | 300,000 | 300,000 | ||
| National Federation of Hides and Leather | 1893 | Merged into THCB | 1985 | 88,000 | 86,000 | |
| National Federation of Miners | FNTSS | 1883 | Merged into FNME | 1999 | 270,000 | 287,000 |
| National Federation of Paper and Cardboard | Merged into FILPAC | 1982 | 72,000 | 40,000 | ||
| National Federation of Textile Industry Workers | 1891 | Merged into THCB | 1985 | 360,000 | 270,000 | |
| Pharmaceutical Federation | 47,000 | 19,000 | ||||
| Tobacco and Matchworkers' Federation | 1948 | Merged into FNAF | 2008 | 14,000 | 12,000 | |
| Wood Federation |
Leadership
General Secretaries
| Year | Secretary |
|---|---|
| 1895 | Absalon Lagailse |
| 1898 | Maurice Copigneaux |
| 1900 | Victor Renaudin |
| 1901 | Eugène Guérard |
| 1901 | Victor Griffuelhes |
| 1909 | Louis Niel |
| 1909 | Léon Jouhaux |
| 1945 | Benoît Frachon and Léon Jouhaux |
| 1948 | Benoît Frachon and Alain Le Léap |
| 1957 | Benoît Frachon |
| 1967 | Georges Séguy |
| 1982 | Henri Krasucki |
| 1992 | Louis Viannet |
| 1999 | Bernard Thibault |
| 2013 | Thierry Lepaon |
| 2015 | Philippe Martinez |
See also
Footnotes
- Numbers given by Michel Dreyfus, author of Histoire de la C.G.T., Ed. Complexes, 1999, interviewed in Pascal Riché, En prônant la négociation, la CGT "peut faire bouger le syndicalisme", Rue 89, 21 November 2007 (in French)
- Pascal Riché, En prônant la négociation, la CGT "peut faire bouger le syndicalisme", Rue 89, 21 November 2007 (in French)
- "BnF Catalogue général". catalogue.bnf.fr (in French). Bibliothèque nationale de France. Retrieved 3 March 2017.
- Fall, Mar. L'État et la Question Syndicale au Sénégal. Paris: Éditions L'Harmattan, 1989. p. 24, 27
- Fall, Mar. L'État et la Question Syndicale au Sénégal. Paris: Éditions L'Harmattan, 1989. p. 31–32
- Fall, Mar. L'État et la Question Syndicale au Sénégal. Paris: Éditions L'Harmattan, 1989. p. 44
- Busky, Donald F.. Communism in history and theory. Asia, Africa, and the Americas. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 2002. p. 128
- La CGT prépare deux journées d'action à la rentrée autour de l'urgence climatique, https://mobile.francetvinfo.fr/economie/syndicats/la-cgt-prepare-deux-journees-d-action-a-la-rentree-autour-de-l-urgence-climatique_3538113.amp Article in FranceInfo
- Lorwin, Val R. (1957). "Reflections on the History of the French and American Labor Movements". The Journal of Economic History. 17 (1): 25–44. ISSN 0022-0507.
- Berlanstein, Lenard R. (1992). "The Distinctiveness of the Nineteenth-Century French Labor Movement". The Journal of Modern History. 64 (4): 660–685. ISSN 0022-2801.
- Ansell, Christopher K. (2001-10-01). Schism and Solidarity in Social Movements: The Politics of Labor in the French Third Republic. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-43017-3.
- Vincent, K. Steven (2012-01-03). "The dilemmas of internationalism: French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900–1914". History of European Ideas. doi:10.1016/0191-6599(93)90284-w. ISSN 0191-6599.
- "La CGT en bref". Institut superieur du travail. Retrieved 6 April 2020.
- Lorwin, Val (1954). The French Labor Movement. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. pp. 324–325.
Further reading
- Ross, George. Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (1982).
External links
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Wikimedia Commons has media related to Confédération Générale du Travail. |
- The beginnings of the CGT, 1895–1921 An account and analysis of the anarchist origins of the CGT, and the later rise of the Communist Party within it.
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