Big tent

Big tent or catch-all party is used in reference to a political party's policy of permitting or encouraging a broad spectrum of views among its members.[1] This is in contrast to other parties that defend a determined ideology and seek voters who adhere to that ideology and convince people towards it.

For items relating to or named for a big top tent, see Big Top.

Part of the Politics series
Party politics
Political spectrum
Left-wing
Centre
Right-wing
Party platform
Party organization
Party Leadership
Party system
Coalition
Lists
 Politics portal

Examples

Armenia
Main article: Politics of Armenia

Following the 2018 Armenian parliamentary election, the My Step Alliance rose to power on an anti-corruption and pro-democracy platform. The alliance has been described as maintaining a big tent ideology, as the alliance does not support any one particular political position. Instead, it focuses on strengthening Armenia's civil society and economic development.[2]

Australia
Main article: Politics of Australia

The Liberal Party of Australia and its predecessors originated as an alliance of liberals and conservatives in opposition to the Australian Labor Party, beginning with the Commonwealth Liberal Party in 1909. This ideological distinction has endured to the present day, with the modern Liberal Party frequently described as a "broad church", a term popularised by former leader and Prime Minister John Howard. In this context, "broad church" is largely synonymous with "big tent". In the 21st century, the party is often characterised as having a "small-l liberal" wing and a conservative wing, which frequently come into conflict with each other. The party has historically found strong support primarily from the middle-class, though it has in recent decades appealed to socially conservative working-class voters.[3][4]

Argentina

From its foundation the Justicialist Party has been a Peronist catch-all party, which focuses on the figure of Juan Perón and his wife Eva.

Juntos por el Cambio is an Argentine big tent political coalition. It was created in 2015 as Cambiemos. It is composed of Republican Proposal (center-right), Civic Coalition ARI (centre) and Radical Civic Union (centre-left).

Brazil

The Brazilian Democratic Movement is a centrist and big tent party.

Canada
Main articles: Politics in Canada and Political culture of Canada

At the federal level, Canada has been dominated by two big tent parties practicing "brokerage politics".[lower-alpha 1][7][8][9] Both the Liberal Party of Canada and the Conservative Party of Canada (or its predecessors) have attracted support from a broad spectrum of voters.[10][11][12] Although parties such as the Communist Party of Canada, the Quebec-Nationalist Bloc Quebecois, among others, have elected members to the House of Commons, far-right, far-left, and separatist politics have never gained a prominent force in Canadian society and have never formed a government in the Canadian Parliament.[13][14][5]

Finland

The centre-right National Coalition Party has been described as catch-all party supporting the interests of the urban middle classes.[15]

France

The La République En Marche! party founded by President Emmanuel Macron has been described as a centrist party with a catch-all nature.[16]

Germany

Both the Christian Democratic Union of Germany/Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) are considered big tent or catch-all parties, known in German as Volksparteien ("people's parties").[17]

India

The Indian National Congress attracted support from Indians of all classes, castes and religions opposed to the British Empire.[18]

The Janata Party which came into power in India in 1977, was a catch-all party which consisted of people with different ideologies opposed to The Emergency.

Ireland

Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil are considered catch-all parties, both being supported by people from different social classes and political ideologies.[19] Both parties are however usually described as being very similar, and are positioned on the centre-right with a liberal conservative ideology. The reason they remain separate is due mainly to historical factors, with those who supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty in the 1920s eventually becoming Fine Gael, and those opposed would join Fianna Fáil and seek an independent Ireland.

Italy

In Italy, the Five Star Movement led by comedian and actor Beppe Grillo has been described as a catch-all, protest party and "post-ideological big tent" because its supporters do not share similar policy preferences, are split on major economic and social issues and are united largely based on "anti-establishment" sentiments.[20] The Five Star Movement's "successful campaign formula combined anti-establishment sentiments with an economic and political protest which extends beyond the boundaries of traditional political orientations", yet its "'catch-all' formula" has limited its ability to become "a mature, functional, effective and coherent contender for government".[20] The Northern League attracted voters in its early years from all the political spectrum. Forza Italia on the centre-right and the Democratic Party on the centre-left are considered catch-all parties, both having been formed from mergers of political parties with numerous ideological backgrounds.

Mexico

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which held power in Mexico for 71 uninterrupted years from 1929 to 2000 was founded following the Mexican Revolution. Mexican president Plutarco Elías Calles founded the PRI, then known as the National Revolutionary Party, in 1929 with the intent of providing a political space in which all the surviving leaders and combatants of the Mexican Revolution could participate, and to solve the grave political crisis caused by the assassination of president-elect Álvaro Obregón in 1928. Throughout its nine-decade existence, the PRI has adopted a very wide array of ideologies (often determined by the President of the Republic in turn). It nationalized the petroleum industry in the 1940s and the banking industry in the 1970s. In the 1980s, the party went through reforms that shaped its current incarnation, with policies characterized as centre-right, such as the privatization of State-run companies, closer relations with the Catholic church, and embracing free-market capitalism and neoliberal policies.[21][22][23]

The National Regeneration Movement, founded by the current president of Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has often been described as a big tent party due to its various constituents that joined its ranks during the 2018 general elections.[24][25]

Portugal

The centre-left Socialist Party (PS) and centre-right Social Democratic Party (PSD) have been described as catch-all parties.[26]

Romania

The centre-right Save Romania Union (USR) is considered big tent or catch-all parties.

Spain

Citizens, or simply "Cs" (Ciudadanos, in Spanish) has been considered as an example of astroturfing in the Spanish media since 2015. Originally founded as a social democratic regional party opposed to Catalan nationalism, it switched to a catch-all message in order to attract votes from the right to the moderate left in its appearance in the national political landscape. Its stance includes a mix of liberalism and pro-Europeanism, but the party has also embraced populist views on the legitimacy of its political opponents, conservative views on topics such as the criminal system and personal property and Spanish nationalist positions without many problems by its own leader, Inés Arrimadas, becoming one of the most recognisable "catch-all" parties in the history of the country. In the mid 2010s, however, the party's main ideology is perceived to have drifted towards the right, with Albert Rivera admitting that they would not agree to form a coalition with the two main centre-left and left parties after the 2019 Spanish general elections, regardless of the results.[27][28][29] In addition to this, some commentators argue that after the 2019 Spanish general election, Ciudadanos has attempted to become the hegemonic party of the right in the place of the People's Party, which suffered from massive loses in vote percentage and seats in the Congress of Deputies, thus contributing to its shift to the right. Similarly, in the regional parliaments CS has allied with both the People's Party and also with the extreme right-wing party Vox to achieve coalitions. Thus giving rise to the expression "the three rights" while defining their opposition as "the left".

South Africa

The African National Congress (ANC) has been the governing party of South Africa since the country's first democratic election in 1994 and has been described by the media as a "big tent" party.[30][31][32][33] An important aspect of its electoral success has been its ability to include a diverse range of political groups most notably in the form of the Tripartite Alliance between the ANC, the South African Communist Party, and the country's largest trade union COSATU.[31] Additional interest groups included in the party include members of the business community and traditional leaders.

United Kingdom

When Gordon Brown became British Prime Minister in 2007, he invited several members from outside the Labour Party into his government. These included former CBI Director-General Digby Jones who became a Minister of State and former Liberal Democrats leader Paddy Ashdown who was offered the position of Northern Ireland Secretary (Ashdown turned down the offer).[34][35] The media often referred to Brown's ministry as "a government of all the talents" or simply "Brown's big tent".[36]

The Brexit Party, founded by Nigel Farage, may be considered a single-issue big tent party as it ran star candidates in the 2019 European Parliament election from across the political spectrum, including former Conservative Member of Parliament Ann Widdecombe[37] and former Revolutionary Communist Claire Fox.[38] Both Widdecombe and Fox were elected.

In Scotland, the Scottish National Party is possibly the longest established big tent party in the UK, with the goal of seeking Scottish independence by those that support various other political ideologies and from various political positions. Since 2007, the SNP have been the largest single party in the Scottish Parliament and has formed the Scottish Government three times.

United States

The Democratic Party during the New Deal coalition, formed in support of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal policies from 1930s until 1960s, was a "big-tent" party.[39] This coalition brought together labor unions, working-class voters, farm organizations, liberals, Southern Democrats, African Americans, urban voters and immigrants.[40][41]

The Blue Dog Coalition is a big-tent caucus of centrist and conservative Democrats in the House of Representatives, some being socially conservative and fiscally and economically progressive or vice versa. For a brief period following the 2006 and 2008 elections, when Democrats held a majority in the House, this caucus wielded increased influence over the party, but its power declined again after a large majority of its members were defeated or retired in the 2010 election. Its Republican counterpart is the Republican Main Street Partnership.

In counter to the New Deal coalition, the Republican Party was for much of its history a "big tent" party that encompassed a wide range of right-wing and center-right causes, including a wide range of politicians who were fiscally conservative and socially moderate or liberal and vice versa. During the 1970s and 1980s, the Republican party attracted support from wealthy suburban voters in the South and Midwest, Northeastern moderates, Western libertarians, and rural conservatives across the country. From 1968 to 1988, Republicans won five out of six presidential elections, with the only exception being a narrow loss to Democrat Jimmy Carter in 1976. The culture wars of the 1990s and the growing influence of the Christian right within the party prompted the socially moderate and liberal sections of the Republican base, particularly in the Northeast and Midwest, to begin slowly leaving the party in favor of moderate Democrats or independents. As a result, Republicans have lost the national popular vote in seven out of the last eight presidential elections since 1992 (The exception being 2004 which reelected George W. Bush), while winning narrow Electoral College victories three times. However, moderate Republicans continued to thrive at the state level until the dawn of the 21st century.

Following the 1974 Dallas Accord, the Libertarian Party embraced the big tent idea to the extent it ensured that the anarcho-capitalist views would not be excluded from the majority minarchist party.[42]

In 2021, Republican House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, in reference to including both moderate legislators like House Minority Whip Liz Cheney and far right legislators like freshman Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, said, "This Republican Party is a very big tent. Everyone is invited in."[43]

Other examples

See also

Notes
  1. Brokerage politics: "A Canadian term for successful big tent parties that embody a pluralistic catch-all approach to appeal to the median Canadian voter ... adopting centrist policies and electoral coalitions to satisfy the short-term preferences of a majority of electors who are not located on the ideological fringe."[5][6]

References
  1. "Definition of "big tent" in English". oxforddictionaries.com. Oxford English Dictionary. Retrieved May 2, 2017.
  2. "Armenian snap elections seen as the final chapter of the Velvet Revolution". Europe Elects. Retrieved October 25, 2019.
  3. "Divergent views vital to Howard's broad church". Sydney Morning Herald. March 22, 2005.
  4. "Can the Liberal Party hold its 'broad church' of liberals and conservatives together?". The Conversation. April 10, 2018.
  5. Marland, Alex; Giasson, Thierry; Lees-Marshment, Jennifer (2012). Political Marketing in Canada. UBC Press. p. 257. ISBN 978-0-7748-2231-2.
  6. John Courtney; David Smith (2010). The Oxford Handbook of Canadian Politics. OUP USA. p. 195. ISBN 978-0-19-533535-4.
  7. Brooks, Stephen (2004). Canadian Democracy: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 265. ISBN 978-0-19-541806-4. two historically dominant political parties have avoided ideological appeals in favour of a flexible centrist style of politics that is often labelled "brokerage politics"
  8. Johnson, David (2016). Thinking Government: Public Administration and Politics in Canada, Fourth Edition. University of Toronto Press. pp. 13–23. ISBN 978-1-4426-3521-0. ...most Canadian governments, especially at the federal level, have taken a moderate, centrist approach to decision making, seeking to balance growth, stability, and governmental efficiency and economy...
  9. Baumer, Donald C.; Gold, Howard J. (2015). Parties, Polarization and Democracy in the United States. Taylor & Francis. p. 152. ISBN 978-1-317-25478-2.
  10. Smith, Miriam (2014). Group Politics and Social Movements in Canada: Second Edition. University of Toronto Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-4426-0695-1. Canada's party system has long been described as a “brokerage system” in which the leading parties (Liberal and Conservative) follow strategies that appeal across major social cleavages in an effort to defuse potential tensions.
  11. Elections Canada (2018). "Plurality-Majority Electoral Systems: A Review". Elections Canada. First Past the Post in Canada has favoured broadly-based, accommodative, centrist parties...
  12. Andrea Olive (2015). The Canadian Environment in Political Context. University of Toronto Press. pp. 55–60. ISBN 978-1-4426-0871-9.
  13. Ambrose, Emma; Mudde, Cas (2015). "Canadian Multiculturalism and the Absence of the Far Right". Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. 21 (2): 213–236. doi:10.1080/13537113.2015.1032033. S2CID 145773856.
  14. Taub, Amanda (2017). "Canada's Secret to Resisting the West's Populist Wave". The New York Times.
  15. Karvonen, Lauri (2014). Parties, Governments and Voters in Finland: Politics Under Fundamental Societal Transformation. ECPR Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-910259-33-7.
  16. Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot (2017). "The French Parti Socialiste (2010–16): from office to crisis". In Rob Manwaring; Paul Kennedy (eds.). Why the Left Loses: The Decline of the Centre-Left in Comparative Perspective. Policy Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-4473-3269-5.
  17. Hertner, Isabelle; Sloam, James (2014). "The Europeanisation of the German Party System". In Erol Külahci (ed.). Europeanisation and Party Politics: How the EU affects Domestic Actors, Patterns and Systems. ECPR Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-907301-84-1.
  18. Meyer, Karl Ernest; Brysac, Shareen Blair (2012). Pax Ethnica: Where and How Diversity Succeeds. PublicAffairs. pp. 64–. ISBN 9781610390484. Retrieved April 7, 2016.
  19. Weeks, Liam (2018). "Parties and the party system". In John Coakley; Michael Gallagher (eds.). Politics in the Republic of Ireland: Sixth Edition. Taylor & Francis. p. 156. ISBN 978-1-317-31269-7.
  20. Valentina Romei, Five Star Movement: the protest party explained in charts: Direct democracy and rejection of binary politics brings success but stunts maturity, Financial Times (January 10, 2017).
  21. "Meade, the King of the Mexican Sandwich". El Universal. January 11, 2018.
  22. Russell, James W. (2009). Class and Race Formation in North America. University of Toronto Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-8020-9678-4.
  23. Kopstein, Jeffrey; Lichbach, Mark; Hanson, Stephen E. (July 21, 2014). Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and Institutions in a Changing Global Order. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139991384. Retrieved April 6, 2018.
  24. Schettino, Macario (June 6, 2018). "Mexico 2018: How AMLO Took a Page from the PRI Playbook". Americas Quarterly. Archived from the original on June 7, 2019. Retrieved September 18, 2018. Morena’s star has risen so quickly because it offers refuge to such a wide range of beliefs and ideologies. The party has room for old guard supporters of Hugo Chávez and Fidel Castro, young leftist academics, former PRI leaders, evangelical Christians, actors, athletes, and even the odd business tycoon or two. In this way the party resembles the big tent of the PRI, which more than a guiding philosophy was guided by the administration of political power.
  25. Graham, Dave (March 20, 2018). "Mexican leftist's 'big tent' pitch puts presidency in sight". Reuters. Retrieved September 18, 2018. In a few months, he has assembled a coalition stretching from socially conservative Christian evangelicals to admirers of socialist Venezuela and business tycoons, each with contrasting visions for Mexico. Dozens of lawmakers from across the political spectrum have switched sides to join Lopez Obrador’s National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), a party that is not yet four years old.
  26. Lisi, Marco; Freire, André (2014). "The selection of political party leaders in Portugal". In Jean-Benoit Pilet; William Cross (eds.). The Selection of Political Party Leaders in Contemporary Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Study. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-317-92945-1.
  27. "¿Ciudadanos es de izquierdas o de derechas?" (in Spanish). May 15, 2015. Retrieved April 25, 2019.
  28. "Albert Rivera: "No vamos a pactar con el PSOE ni con Sánchez, les echaremos y punto"" (in Spanish). March 3, 2019. Retrieved April 25, 2019.
  29. Orriols, Lluís. "¿Se va Ciudadanos a la derecha? Sí, pero quizás no tanto" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on April 25, 2019. Retrieved April 25, 2019.
  30. Grootes, Stephen. "2019 Elections - ANALYSIS: Curiouser and Curiouser – the strange case of the 2019 elections". Daily Maverick. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  31. Campbell, John (July 18, 2017). "A Political Opening in South Africa". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  32. Shoki, William (April 2019). "South Africa's Third Way revival". africasacountry.com. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  33. Herskovitz, Jon. "ANC stability shakes SA's economic future". The M&G Online. Retrieved November 9, 2019.
  34. "In full: Brown's government". BBC News. June 29, 2007.
  35. "The fallout from Brown's job offer". BBC News. June 21, 2007.
  36. "First 100 days: Gordon Brown". BBC News. October 5, 2007.
  37. "Ann Widdecombe to stand for Brexit Party". BBC News. April 24, 2019. Retrieved April 24, 2019.
  38. Peter Walker, "Former communist standing as MEP for Farage's Brexit party", The Guardian, 23 April 2019
  39. David C. King, "The Polarization of American Parties and Mistrust of Government" in Why People Don't Trust Government (eds. Joseph S. Nye, Philip Zelikow, David C. King: Harvard University Press, 1997).
  40. Lisa Young, Feminists and Party Politics (University of Michigan Press, 2000), p. 84.
  41. Holly M. Allen, "New Deal Coalition" in Class in America: An Encyclopedia (Vol. 2: H-P), ed. Robert E. Weir (ABC-CLIO, 2007), p. 571: "During the 1930s liberals, labor unions, white ethnics, African Americans, farm groups, and Southern whites united to form the New Deal coalition. Though never formally organized, the coalition was sufficiently cohesive to make the Democratic Party the majority party from 1931 into the 1980s. Democrats won seven out of nine presidential contests and maintained majorities in both houses of Congress from 1932 to 1964. The divisiveness of the Civil Rights Movement and the Vietnam War, the increasing segmentation of the labor force, and waning influence of unions, and the relative weakness of Democratic Party leadership are among the factors that led to the coalition's erosion in the late 1960s."
  42. Paul Gottfried, The conservative movement: Social movements past and present , Twayne Publishers, 1993, p. 46.
  43. https://www.politico.com/news/2021/02/05/kevin-mccarthy-gop-fate-466097
  44. Hroník, Jiří. "Známe tajemství velkého úspěchu Andreje Babiše". Parlamentní listy. Retrieved February 19, 2016.
  45. Mlejnek, Josef. "Marketing jako kingmaker aneb Kam směřují české politické strany?". Revue Politika. Archived from the original on August 13, 2019. Retrieved February 19, 2016.
  46. Sarah Elise Wiliarty (August 16, 2010). The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party. Cambridge University Press. pp. 218–221. ISBN 978-1-139-49116-7.
  47. Gallas, Daniel. "Dilma Rousseff and Brazil face up to decisive month". BBC. Retrieved August 27, 2017.
  48. Newell, James L. (January 28, 2010). The Politics of Italy: Governance in a Normal Country. Cambridge University Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-521-84070-5.
  49. Hertner, Isabelle; Sloam, James (2014). "The Europeanisation of the German Party System". In Erol Külahci (ed.). Europeanisation and Party Politics: How the EU affects Domestic Actors, Patterns and Systems. ECPR Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-907301-84-1.
  50. Jane L. Curry (2011). "Poland: The Politics of "God's Playground"". In Sharon L. Wolchik; Jane L. Curry (eds.). Central and East European Politics: From Communism to Democracy. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-7425-6734-4.
  51. Maguire, Maria (1986). "Ireland". In Peter Flora (ed.). Growth to Limits: Germany, United Kingdom, Ireland, Italy. Walter de Gruyter. p. 333. ISBN 978-3-11-011131-6.
  52. O'Malley, Eoin (2011). Contemporary Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-230-34382-5.
  53. Ditrych, Ondrej (July 2013). "The Georgian succession" (PDF). European Union Institute for Security Studies. p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 February 2016. ...GD as a catch-all movement...
  54. Barrington, Lowell (2009). Comparative Politics: Structures and Choices. Cengage Learning. p. 379. ISBN 978-0-618-49319-7.
  55. Mohammadighalehtaki, Ariabarzan (2012). Organisational Change in Political Parties in Iran after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. With Special Reference to the Islamic Republic Party (IRP) and the Islamic Iran Participation Front Party (Mosharekat) (Ph.D. thesis). Durham University. p. 176.
  56. Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot (2017). "The French Parti Socialiste (2010–16): from office to crisis". In Rob Manwaring; Paul Kennedy (eds.). Why the Left Loses: The Decline of the Centre-Left in Comparative Perspective. Policy Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-4473-3269-5.
  57. "Législatives : "Le parti d'Emmanuel Macron a un caractère attrape-tout"". Les Inrocks.
  58. Glenn D. Hook; Gilson, Julie; Christopher W. Hughes; Dobson, Hugo (2001). Japan's International Relations: Politics, Economics and Security. Routledge. p. 58. ISBN 978-1-134-32806-2.
  59. Karvonen, Lauri (2014). Parties, Governments and Voters in Finland: Politics Under Fundamental Societal Transformation. ECPR Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-910259-33-7.
  60. "MORENA (National Regeneration Movement)". January 21, 2018.
  61. O'Kane, David; Hepner, Tricia (2011), Biopolitics, Militarism, and Development: Eritrea in the Twenty-First Century, Berghahn Books, p. xx, ISBN 978-0-85745-399-0, retrieved January 15, 2011
  62. Cross, William (2015). "Party Membership in Quebec". In Emilie van Haute; Anika Gauja (eds.). Party Members and Activists. Routledge. p. 50. ISBN 978-1-317-52432-8.
  63. David Torrance, "Scotland's Progressive Dilemma," The Political Quarterly, 88 (2017): 52–59. doi:10.1111/1467-923X.12319
  64. Carrell, Severin (April 25, 2011). "Alex Salmond's big tent bulges as Tommy Sheridan lends voteless support". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved April 26, 2020.
  65. Lisi, Marco; Freire, André (2014). "The selection of political party leaders in Portugal". In Jean-Benoit Pilet; William Cross (eds.). The Selection of Political Party Leaders in Contemporary Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Study. Routledge. p. 124. ISBN 978-1-317-92945-1.
  66. Gallagher, Tom; Allan M. Williams (1989). "Southern European socialism in the 1990s". In Tom Gallagher; Allan M. Williams (eds.). Southern European Socialism: Parties, Elections, and the Challenge of Government. Manchester University Press. pp. 271–. ISBN 978-0-7190-2500-6.. Page 271.
  67. Pallaver, Günther (2008). "South Tyrol's Consociational Democracy: Between Political Claim and Social Reality". In Jens Woelk; Francesco Palermo; Joseph Marko (eds.). Tolerance Through Law: Self Governance and Group Rights In South Tyrol. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 305, 309. ISBN 978-90-04-16302-7.
  68. Lublin, David (2014). Minority Rules: Electoral Systems, Decentralization, and Ethnoregional Party Success. Oxford University Press. p. 229. ISBN 978-0-19-994884-0.
  69. Sventlana S. Bodrunova; Anna A. Litvinenko (2013). "New media and political protest: the formation of a public counter-sphere in Russia, 2008–2012". In Andrey Makarychev; Andre Mommen (eds.). Russia's Changing Economic and Political Regimes: The Putin Years and Afterwards. Routledge. p. 35. ISBN 978-1-135-00695-2.
  70. "Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes): "We are all in, we've reached the end of the line"". Ara. July 21, 2015.
  71. Iskandaryan, Alexander (May 23, 2012). "Armenian Elections: Technology vs. Ideology" (PDF). Caucasus Analytical Digest. ETH Zurich: 3. Both major parties in the Armenian parliament [Republican Party and Prosperous Armenia] represent elite groups. With almost no ideology to speak of, they are catch-all parties, a phenomenon becoming typical in the modern world.
  72. "Serbian Compliance Patterns towards EU Integration under the Progressive Party: An Exercise in Statecraft" (PDF). Retrieved December 13, 2018.
  73. Stojić, Marko (2017). Party Responses to the EU in the Western Balkans: Transformation, Opposition or Defiance?. Springer. p. 135.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.