William Pickens

William Pickens (15 January 1881 – 6 April 1954) was an American orator, educator, journalist, and essayist. He wrote two autobiographies, first The Heir of Slaves, in 1911 and second Bursting Bonds in 1923, in which he mentioned race-motivated attacks on African Americans, both in the urban riots of 1919 and by lynching in 1921.[1]

William Pickens
Born
William Pickens

(1881-01-15)January 15, 1881
Anderson County, South Carolina
DiedApril 6, 1954(1954-04-06) (aged 73)
NationalityAmerican
Occupationorator, educator, journalist, essayist

Biography

Pickens, the son of freed slaves, was born on January 15, 1881 in South Carolina but mostly raised in Arkansas.[2]

He studied at multiple schools. He received bachelor's degrees from Talladega College (1902) and Yale University (1904), where he was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa and awarded the Henry James Ten Eyck Prize;[2] a master's degree from Fisk University (1908); and a Litt. D from Selma University in 1915.[1] He married the former Minnie Cooper McAlpin(e), and they had three children.[1][2] Pickens was a Methodist.[1] He was buried at sea while vacationing with his wife on the RMS Mauretania.[2]

Career

Educational career

Pickens was fluent in and instructed several languages, including Latin, Greek, German, and Esperanto. He taught at his first alma mater, Talladega College, then at Wiley College. He was also a professor of sociology and a college dean at Morgan State College.

NAACP

Pickens was also an active and vocal member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Pickens was initially considered for the position of field secretary by the association, but instead it was given to James Weldon Johnson in December 1916. On January 12, 1920, Pickens was given the opportunity for the position of assistant field secretary by the NAACP executive secretary, John R. Shillady. Pickens finished teaching for the academic year at Morgan College, while concurrently accepting the position, which provided a $3,000 salary. He also served as a director of branches, 1920–1940.[3]

January 15, 1923, Pickens joined the eight people group and sent the “ Garvey Must Go” letter to the U. S. August, 1927, Pickens wrote a letter to the New Republic that called for Garvey's release from prison.

Pickens once said, “Color had been made the mark of enslavement and was taken to be also the mark of inferiority; for prejudice does not reason, or it would not be prejudice… If prejudice could reason, it would dispel itself.”[4]

U.S. Treasury

Pickens was the director of the interracial section of the Treasury Department's Saving Bonds Division from 1941 to 1950[5] where he was a travelling spokesperson for investing in WWII war bonds. In this role, he is said to have had more direct contact with the Negro masses than any other African American leaders in his time,[5] but also spoke to European-American and mixed audiences.[6]

Other

His address "Misrule in Hayti" won him the Ten Eyck Prize for oratory, but he would renounce its ideas ten years later. The address led to a conflict between him, Monroe Trotter, and Booker T. Washington.[3]

On February 1, 1943, Pickens was one of the 39 men named by Martin Dies as affiliates of "Communist front organizations" and urged Congress to refuse "to appropriate money for their salaries."[7] An amendment was quickly offered to the Treasury and Post Office Appropriations Bill in the House Appropriations Committee to remove funding for the salary of these 39 government employees. After it was discovered that Pickens was the only employee that would be covered by the appropriations bill, the initial amendment failed and a separate action proceeded to withhold solely the salary of Pickens. A few days later it became known that Pickens was the only black person in the list of 39; the appearance of racism along with a public push to give the named men a "day in court" persuaded the committee to instead create a sub-committee (the Kerr Committee) to investigate the Dies allegations.[8] Pickens wrote to and met with people investigating the allegations.[9] The Kerr committee did not name Pickens as being subversive or unfit.[8]

In 1973, Yale created the William Pickens Prize, named after Pickens Sr. for his contributions to the university. The award is given by The Department of African American Studies to the top senior essayist.[10]

Four generations of the Pickens family have lived and summered in SANS, A traditionally black beach enclave in Sag Harbor's Eastville neighborhood. in 2004 William Pickens III moved there permanently from Queens to the family home in Sag Harbor Hills. A famous guest of the Pickens was Langston Hughes, Pickens Yale college roommate whom was a frequent guest in the 1950s. Pickens grandson is a patron of the Sag Harbor Bay Street Theatre[11]

Bibliography

The Renaissance of the Negro Race

William Pickens peruses through the history of the African American beginning with their peak of power extending to their oppressed state in slavery. Beginning in the civilization of Egypt, there was no main differentiation between the different skin colors, but those of darker tones rose to power. With its desert climate and culture, Egypt as the motherland of civilizations was unfit to last forever. Eventually, the civilization would be overcome by those from both Asia and Europe, but it is to be noted that those conquered were not of lower or slave status. Africans soon stumbled upon an unfortunate period, where they were forced to submit to those of early Islam. Additionally, Africa would be visited upon by the Christian civilization of Europe, contrary to their beliefs, would greedily hunt for Africans as slaves. This trade transformed Africa into "a slave corral."[12] Many Africans would be dispersed to various parts of the planet under enslavement, and especially millions would come to America, half in the south alone. Furthermore, although African Americans have made great strides of progress in America, they enjoy less equality compared to other places around the planet. With this migration, the Africans have now become multi-faceted with the people's exposure to various cultures. However, the African motherland is beginning to receive people from all over, and therefore also the skills and knowledge that they bring with them. This brings forth progress in the African government and people. Moreover, in the first few years, that African Americans in the United States has received some freedoms, they have not received the outright equality that they deserve due to their respectable contributions to American society. Pickens pushes for African Americans to solidify their citizenship in the United States, for from learning in the past, they are not properly secured in their place until they've received this status.[12]

The Negro in the Light of the Great War, 1918

Regarding the context of the first world war, in this work, William Pickens speaks of the perceived nature of the African American and the race's rise in status in the American Army. Pickens speaks of how through the war, the poor condition of the African American individual is demonstrated to be one based on outside perception rather than his actual ability. The war acts as a centripetal force in uniting the two races in accomplishing the goal of defeating the country's opponent. Through this need, the African American rises to the occasion by taking up roles of leadership in the Allied army, contrary to their roles in past American wars, and proves their equivalency in skill and character to that of the white race. African American soldiers are demonstrated to be loyal, courageous, and competent while putting forth their fill in defeating the war's adversaries. Outside spectators are taken away by the African American soldier's excellent abilities, since they have been taught the incorrect notion regarding African Americans as incompetent. However, these abilities are not ones that are newly arisen due to the war, but rather ones that have already demonstrated throughout their lives in a prejudiced society. Once the war is over, Pickens claims that a true period of reconstruction should occur, where African Americans, having proven to great extents their equivalency in nature to the white race, will be perceived as equal contributors in society.[13]

The Kind of Democracy the Negro Expects, 1919

William Pickens establishes that the discriminatory form of democracy ingrained into society by those in power differs from the true respectable form of democracy. Pickens then elaborates on the various types of true democracy that the African American needs to fight for. The first type of democracy is in regard to equal access to education. He states that everyone should have a fair access to education, regardless of ones racial or social background. The second type of democracy touched upon is fair access to a paying career. The type of career or the wages are not to be segregated due to skin color. The third form of democracy is one where African Americans are equal to their white counterparts in law and politics. This includes the right for diverse representation in government and the lack of discriminatory laws against minority races. The fourth type is one where there is no discrimination based on gender. Pickens claims that you cannot fight for racial equality without there being an expectation for gender equality as well. The last form of democracy elaborated upon regards the church. There is not to be racial segregation when it comes to the beliefs of Christianity, for when one individual dies they all go to the same place together, without regard to ones social status or race. Pickens wraps up by stating that any type of democracy that inhibits an individual of their true potential for personal achievement is not the true form of democracy, and African Americans will continuously fight for this right kind of democracy.[14]

References
  1. Dumain, Ralph. William Pickens (1881-1954) at Who’s Who in Colored America
  2. Okocha, Victor. Pickens, William (1881-1954) at blackpast.org,
  3. Avery, Sheldon. Up From Washington:William Pickens and the Negro Struggle for Equality, 1900-1954 (illustrated ed.). University of Delaware Press, 1989. pp. 9, 10, 16, 56. ISBN 0874133610. Retrieved 2016-05-25.
  4. "Pickens, William (1881-1954)". BlackPast.org.
  5. Avery, Sheldon (1989). William Pickens and the Negro Struggle for Equality. University of Delaware Press. pp. 10–15.
  6. Boardman, H (1941-08-02). "William Pickens, Spokesman for Cause". The Carolina Times. 22 (33). Associated Negro Press. p. 2. Retrieved 2016-12-05.
  7. "United States v. Lovett". Justia. 1946-06-03. Retrieved 2016-12-05.
  8. Cushman, Robert E. (1943). "The Purge of Federal Employees Accused of Disloyalty". Public Administration Review. 3 (4): 297–316. doi:10.2307/972311. JSTOR 972311.
  9. "William Pickens FBI file". archive.org. Retrieved 2016-12-05.
  10. Cite web|Hamptoms.com|Four Generations: The Historical Footprints of the Pickens Family, August 15, 2007|Author: R B Stuart
  11. Sandra E. Garcia (October 1, 2020). "On Long Island, a Beachfront Haven for Black Families". The New York Times.
  12. Pickens, William (1916). The new Negro: his political, civil, and mental status ;and related essays /. New York.
  13. Pickens, William. The Negro in the light of the Great War /.
  14. "The kind of democracy the Negro race expects". HathiTrust.

Further reading
  • Brewer, William M. The Journal of Negro History 39:3 (July 1954): 242–244.
  • Avery, Sheldon. Up from Washington: William Pickens and the Negro Struggle for Equality, University of Delaware Press, 1989.
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