Maurici de Sivatte i de Bobadilla

Maurici de Sivatte i de Bobadilla (Spanish: Mauricio de Sivatte y de Bobadilla) (1901–1980) was a Spanish Carlist politician. He is known as leader of Catalan Carlism in two separate strings, briefly in the early 1930s and then in the decade of the 1940s. He is also recognized as the moving spirit behind RENACE, a Traditionalist splinter faction set up in 1958.

Maurici de Sivatte i de Bobadilla
Born
Maurici de Sivatte i de Bobadilla

1901
Arenys de Mar
Died1980
Barcelona
NationalitySpanish
Occupationlawyer
Known forpolitician
Political partyCT

Family and youth
Sivatte Llopart (2nd/fR) in 1915

The Sivatte family originated from France and was related to the Provençal town of La Colle; its members were already recorded in the 17th century.[1] André de Sivatte was the first to settle in Spain; in the early 19th century he served first as a French customs officer[2] and later as official in the French consulate in Barcelona; he married a Spaniard from Calonge.[3] Their son and Maurici's paternal grandfather, Edmundo Félix Sivatte i Vilar, was born already in the Catalan capital,[4] though it is rather his wife, María de las Mercedes de Llopart y Xiqués, who became recognized as active in Catholic charity organizations.[5] Their son and Maurici's father, Manuel Josép María de Sivatte i Llopart (1865-1931), worked as a Barcelona lawyer[6] and grew to one of the leaders of the Catalan Carlism: he was president of Círculo Tradicionalista de Barcelona, member of Junta Provincial de Barcelona and Junta Regional de Cataluña.[7] In recognition of his merits, in 1899 the claimant conferred upon him the title of marqués de Vallbona.[8] As he contributed to "La Octubrada", a series of minor Carlist revolts in different Catalan locations in October 1900, he had to flee the country. Upon his return to Spain he co-founded[9] Fomento de la Prensa Tradicionalista, the company which re-launched El Correo Catalán; he was also one of major landholders in the Roquetes-Nou Barris area.[10]

Manuel Sivatte married Margarita de Bobadilla y Martínez de Arizala (1870-1905), also descendant to a Carlist family.[11] Her father and Maurici's maternal grandfather, Mauricio de Bobadilla y Escrivá de Romaní, was head of Navarrese Carlism[12] and served as deputy from Estella in Cortes Constituentes between 1869 and 1871,[13] later on contributing to Asamblea de Vevey and siding with Carlos VII during the Third Carlist War.[14] Manuel and Margarita had 5 children, all brought up in fervently Catholic ambience: Manuel, Merceditas, Carles Edmund, Jaume and Maurici.[15] After early death of their mother it was the paternal grandmother, Mercedes Llopart, who assisted her son – married again[16] – in bringing up the children.[17]

Sivatte's Torre Baró estate

Following his initial education the young Maurici entered Facultad de Derecho of Universidad de Barcelona; he graduated in law in 1923[18] and joined the local Colegio de Abogados.[19] In 1924 he married Asunción Algueró de Ugarriza (1901-1970), the native of Tarragona; they settled in family estate in the Torre Baró quarter of Barcelona.[20] The couple had 13 children. Some of them became nuns and friars; among these, Rafael de Sivatte i Algueró made his name as scholar in biblical studies.[21] Some were active in business; the most notable one, Jaime de Sivatte i Algueró, grew to president of Asociación Nacional Española Fabricantes de Hormigón Preparado and vice-president of Asociación Nacional de Empresarios Fabricantes de Aridos.[22] The grandson of Maurici Sivatte, Carlos-Javier Ram de Víu y de Sivatte, is procurador in the judicial district of Barcelona.[23]

Early political career

Sivatte's beginnings in politics were facilitated by prestigious position of his father, who in the 1920s remained one of the leaders of local Barcelona societé.[24] At that time Manuel de Sivatte was getting somewhat detached from mainstream Carlism. Already in 1922 he signed a manifesto declaring Alfonso XIII a prospective legitimate Traditionalist heir as the direct Carlist dynasty was already certain to extinguish;[25] when entering the Barcelona Diputación Provincial[26] he was representing Lliga Regionalista of Francesc Cambó. By some Carlists he was considered traitor to their cause.[27] Initially it was his older sons joining their father in various political initiatives.[28]

In the late 1920s also Maurici, though member of the local Circulo Jaimista, was increasingly engaged in activities of La Lliga.[29] Other sources suggest he joined efforts to build a "partido católico duro", promoted by the local ecclesiastical authorities as a Catholic alliance holding together different breeds of ultraconservative, conservative and right-wing groupings.[30] In 1927 he was already a recognized member of the Barcelona societé, assuming prestigious roles during various local feasts.[31] In the final years of the dictatorship Maurici Sivatte got engaged in Organización Corporativa Nacional, a peculiar primoderiverista structure functioning partially as arbitrage board and partially as labor organization; he formed part of its Comité Paritario covering the cotton industry and continued with this role also in the Dictablanda period.[32]

Republic
Miguel Junyent

Though in the 1920s Sivatte's links with Traditionalism remained dormant, the advent of the Republic and its militant secularism boosted his Carlist activities. Already in June 1931 he co-founded Reacción, a weekly which pledged to confront Liberal and atheist "acción demagógica, disolvente y corrosiva" by supporting traditional values.[33] In April 1932 he unsuccessfully ran for the newly established Catalan parliament, standing in Girona and forming part of Coalició Católica Gironina alliance.[34] Once three Traditionalist branches united in Comunión Tradicionalista, Sivatte got engaged in its propaganda works. In May 1932 he formed part of comisión providing financial support to Semana Tradicionalista, though he was not noted as one of the speakers himself.[35] In June he contributed to opening of Circulo Central Tradicionalista in Barcelona and became its vice-president,[36] later growing to full presidency;[37] following a related Carlist manifestation he was briefly detained by the authorities.[38]

It remains a bit of a paradox that within the Catalan Carlism Sivatte, himself an ex-Liguero, formed part of the faction which advocated bold stand and doctrinal intransigence, as opposed to the group of older leaders used to behind-the-scene dealings.[39] In May 1933 Miguel Junyent i Rovira resigned from the regional Catalan jefatura and Sivatte was nominated his replacement.[40] According to a hagiographic biographer, the claimant Don Alfonso Carlos agreed that the new activist format required new dynamic leaders;[41] according to a progressist historian, it was the reactionary Integrists who enforced the decision.[42] The change brought about the threat of a breakup in Catalan Carlism and its internal stability remained very shaky.[43] The assignment lasted less than a year and was marked mostly by efforts to build the regional paramilitary structures, Requeté;[44] despite his position of regional leader, Sivatte did not run in the 1933 elections.[45] In March 1934 the older politicians fought back and ensured royal order which put Lorenzo María Alier on top of the regional organization, with Sivatte downgraded to Subjefe Regional.[46]

requete buildup, mid-1930s

As provincial deputy leader Sivatte focused on Requeté buildup and propaganda activities, occasionally replacing Alier during Carlist gatherings.[47] On the national level he displayed his already trademark intransigence speaking against an alliance with the Alfonsinos, advocated by the likes of conde Rodezno and Pradera.[48] Following the Popular Front triumph[49] he represented Catalan Carlism during talks with local UME leaders, drafting first plans of anti-Republican insurgency.[50] One of them was almost put into action in the spring of 1936; when recalled in the very last minute, Sivatte formed part of the Catalan Requeté command.[51] According to one source, it was Sivatte who suggested that Alier, who resigned early that year, be replaced as regional jefe by Tomàs Caylà.[52] The new leader entrusted Sivatte with the task of collecting funds for anticipated military action.[53] He also went on negotiating with UME and was unhappy about their vision; the generals imagined the coup to topple the frentepopulista government, while Sivatte intended to topple the Republic.[54]

Civil War
Barcelona anarchist militia, 1936

Working closely with UME on military dispositions of Catalan requetés, Sivatte was deeply involved in preparing detailed Carlist plans for rebellion both in Barcelona and in Catalonia. When the news of final deal with the military having been concluded arrived from Pamplona, on July 18 Sivatte and Caylá met to issue local insurgency orders, effective for the next day.[55] From that moment onwards command over some 3,000 first-line volunteers and 15,000 auxiliaries passed to Catalan requeté leader Cunill.[56] As the rebels failed, during two days of fighting the Catalan requetés were reduced to total disarray, some killed, some captured, some gone into hiding and some fleeing the region.[57] Exact whereabouts of Sivatte are not clear; once the Republicans regained full control over Barcelona he went underground. Early August 1936 he managed to leave Catalonia for Marseille on a ship, disguised as a Polish citizen.[58]

From France Sivatte transferred to the Nationalist-held territory[59] and following the conquest of Gipuzkoa, in September he settled in San Sebastián.[60] It is there he co-founded Comisión Carlista para Asuntos de Cataluña,[61] a body set up mostly to assists the Catalan exiles[62] though engaged also in intelligence activities.[63] As the Carlist refugees who either crossed the frontline or travelled via France started to arrive in Aragón, Sivatte moved to Zaragoza. Together with Cunill, who narrowly escaped execution and made it to Nationalist zone, he coined an idea of organising a requeté battalion composed entirely of the Catalans;[64] the unit was born in December 1936 as Terç de Requetès de la Mare de Déu de Montserrat and Sivatte dedicated himself to its formation.[65] He was also engaged in Frentes y Hospitales, the Carlist-led organisation called to treat the wounded and assist those serving on the frontline, though there are somewhat conflicting accounts of his exact role.[66]

Franco, 1940

Sivatte did not enter the Carlist wartime executive, Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra,[67] and did not take part in crucial party meetings of early 1937, dealing with the looming threat of forced amalgamation into an official state party.[68] However, he is known as member of the intransigent faction, fiercely opposed to unification designs advanced by Franco. Following Unification Decree he chose to look for workarounds. As one of them, Comisión para Asuntos, constantly attacked by the FET Catalan branch,[69] was renamed to Jefatura Regional de la Comunión[70] at unspecified time in 1938.[71] It was probably at that point that Sivatte was nominated its head, assuming jefatura of Catalan Carlism for the second time.[72] As Traditionalism was getting increasingly marginalized in the emergent Francoist political milieu, Sivatte urged the new Carlist regent-claimant to take a decisive stance. He considered the regency formula unfortunate and contributing to moral disarmament of Carlism; his letters to the regent in polite but firm terms recommended that Don Javier terminates the regency and declares who the legitimate king is.[73]

Catalan jefe
Franquism in Catalonia

Following the Nationalist conquest of Catalonia Sivatte rushed to Barcelona and embarked on hectic reconstruction of Carlist structures in the region.[74] His efforts were soon frustrated when the local military commander closed all just re-opened circulos and ordered Sivatte out of Catalonia;[75] the exile lasted a few months.[76] The incident convinced Sivatte that no modus vivendi with the new system was possible. Within Carlism he formed the intransigent faction, headed by Manuel Fal Conde,[77] and pursued the strategy of preserving Traditionalist identity by refusal to join any Francoist structures.[78] The official response differed. In 1940, during the first anniversary of Nationalist conquest of Barcelona, Sivatte was detained in the Modelo prison;[79] in 1942, during the Carlist Mártires de la Tradición feast, he was joined by commander of the IV Región Militar, general Alfredo Kindelán.[80] Relations between Catalan Carlists and Falangists remained extremely tense, not infrequently producing riots.[81] Eventually the regime sort of acknowledged Carlist potential in the region; according to some the Traditionalists were allowed freedom unknown elsewhere and emerged as the most dynamic and well-organized Carlist regional organization nationwide.[82]

In 1943 Sivatte co-signed Reclamación de Poder, a document which demanded from Franco dismantling of national-sindicalist regime and introduction of Traditionalist monarchy.[83] This was his last action within the party executive. Increasingly perplexed by contacts with the Alfonsinos and fearing some sort of dynastic compromise, as means of protest in 1944 Sivatte resigned from Junta Nacional Carlista, though he retained his post of the Catalan jefe.[84] He was also concerned with what he perceived as Carlist lack of direction, political bewilderment and especially the inactive regency of Don Javier.[85] In a late 1945 document[86] he firmly denied dynastic rights to Don Juan and Don Carlos Pio and recommended that the regent assumes a bold and decisive stand;[87] other documents soon followed.[88] Executing his strategy, Sivatte co-engineered a grand Carlist demonstration in Pamplona in December 1945; the event ended in riots and detentions.[89]

Carlist standard

The years of 1947-1949 led to deterioration in relations between Sivatte on one side and Don Javier and Fal on the other.[90] The Catalan jefe insisted that Junta de Jefes Regionales y Provinciales formally demands that Don Javier sorts out the 11-year-old regency puzzle, possibly by calling a grand Carlist assembly, but Fal thwarted this attempt and watered down the ultimate message.[91] He also resisted the pressure engineered by Sivatte during the 1947 Aplec de Montserrat.[92] Ley de Sucesión, supported by Fal in the referendum,[93] made Sivatte believe that Franco opened the way for a distant Alfonsist restoration and pushed him for increasingly ultimative tone.[94] The 1948 Aplec de Montserrat, intended as most bold demonstration of Carlist intransigence so far, was banned by the authorities with no protest recorded from national Traditionalist leaders.[95] When Catalan Carlists issued another letter,[96] in February 1949 Fal attempted a last minute rescue mission and travelled to Barcelona, only to be informed that "por aquel camino el carlismo no podía caminar".[97] In March 1949 Don Javier dismissed Sivatte as the Catalan jefe.[98]

Outcast
Montserrat requeté mausoleum

Though some scholars claim that in 1949 Sivatte was also expulsed from Carlism,[99] other authors maintain that he voluntarily separated himself from the organization.[100] As he was followed by a number of collaborators,[101] the mainstream Catalan Carlism was forced into a minority position.[102] The breakup was best demonstrated by two Aplecs de Montserrat, since 1949 organized each year separately by the Javieristas and by the Sivattistas.[103] The latter did not assume a formal shape and remained a loose group; their organizational emanation was Centro Familiar Montserrat, functioning as a social circulo rather than as a political body.[104]

Politically Sivatte maintained his previous stand: recognition of Don Javier as legitimate leader combined with opposition to regency formula, to dynastic compromise and to appeasement versus Francoism.[105] Except Catalonia and partially Navarre he failed to mobilize much support.[106] This changed in the early 1950s, when calls for terminating the regency became widespread and endorsed even by Fal himself.[107] When during Congreso Eucaristico in Barcelona in 1952 Don Javier effectively declared himself the king,[108] Sivatte could have claimed a personal triumph.[109] This so-called Acta de Barcelona was immediately followed by a number of statements which seemed to play down the declaration,[110] vacillation which started to erode Sivatte's recognition of Don Javier.

Don Javier as king on cover of a Carlist periodical, 1959

Sivatte's stance versus Francoism remained hostile.[111] When efforts to construct a mausoleum of fallen requetés in Montserrat reached a breakthrough in 1952, Sivatte opposed the project since it was formatted as part of the Francoist propaganda exercise.[112] In return he and other intransigents used to be detained and fined, measures effectively preventing their taking part in the Montserrat aplecs, e.g. in 1954.[113] When in mid-1950s Carlism abandoned its opposition strategy and started to seek some rapprochement with Francoism, the Sivattistas responded with massive criticism. ¿Ha resignado Don Javier su misión en el general Franco? – asked their note of 1955.[114] On the other hand, the deposition of Fal seemed to ease the relationship with Javieristas,[115] especially that in 1956 Don Javier made conciliatory gestures towards Sivatte[116] and that year the two groups agreed to stage common Montserrat feast.[117]

In April 1956 the Sivattistas met with Don Javier in Perpignan. The latter agreed to sign a document rejecting any dynastic compromise with the Alfonsinos and with Franco,[118] though he did not agree to sign as a king[119] and afterwards insisted on keeping the document private.[120] Sivatte, fearing another reverse step, refused; moreover, he presented the declaration at Junta Suprema de las Regiones, a freshly formed and somewhat rebellious Carlist body bent on preventing a pro-Juanista and pro-Francoist turn.[121] The intention was to keep Don Javier in a crystal box and to separate him from daily political business,[122] but the new Carlist political leader José María Valiente mounted a counter-offensive and forced dissolution of the Junta.[123] Sivatte responded by publishing the Perpignan paper as Manifesto a los españoles.[124] At that point he was already convinced that loyalty to Don Javier reached a dead end and that a competitive solution is needed.[125]

RENACE
dawn at Montserrat Monastery

Once he decided to abandon unreliable and wavering Don Javier, Sivatte started to look for alternatives. In 1957 he held consultations with Don Antonio, representative of another Borbón branch considered legitimate heir by the Carloctavista faction, but the talks bore no fruit.[126] Don Carlos Hugo, the oldest son of Don Javier, made a fulminant entry on Spanish political stage in May 1957 and was greeted by enormous enthusiasm of the crowd gathered on the Aplec of Montejurra; many Sivattistas concluded that the years of apathy were over. Some of them re-joined the Javieristas,[127] though it is not clear to what extent Sivatte himself considered Don Carlos Hugo an alternative to Don Javier;[128] he was suspicious about pro-Francoist tones of his addresses.[129] When in late 1957 a large group of Traditionalists leaning towards dynastic accord with the Alfonsinos declared Don Juan the legitimate heir, Sivatte felt genuine Carlism should be immediately given new momentum.

During the Aplec de Montserrat of April 20, 1958, Sivatte declared formation of Regencia Nacional y Carlista de Estella (RENACE).[130] The body was intended as a depositary of genuine Carlist principles[131] and styled itself as "autoridad suprema de la Comunión Carlista".[132] It did not endorse either any claimant or any dynasty and its manifesto stated clearly that "no tengamos Rey legitimo".[133] The declaration pledged to safeguard Carlist spirit against mounting distortions, principally against falsifications enforced by Francoism, the system which "ha faltado esencialmente" and which was in fact not opposed but rather supported by Don Javier, who played a double game.[134] Sivatte provided no information either on final objectives of RENACE or on its composition and modus operandi.[135]

urban traffic, Barcelona in the early 1960s

RENACE failed to attract considerable support among the Carlists.[136] Its political base was reduced mostly to Catalonia,[137] with adherence declared by some Traditionalist groupings from other regions, like Navarre,[138] Vascongadas and Andalusia.[139] No nationally recognized Carlist leader joined Sivatte,[140] though some like Joaquín Baleztena voiced their support.[141] In the early 1960s it became evident that RENACE instead of a dynamic renovating force turned out to be just another Carlist splinter faction, though its doctrinal purity and intransigence versus Francoism[142] made it a point of reference within the Traditionalist realm. While initially Sivatte might have envisioned the initiative as a political grouping, its limited appeal rendered those ambitions irrelevant; as a result, RENACE formatted itself in-between a symbol,[143] a pressure group and a doctrinal think-tank. Its public activity consisted of publishing the Tiempos Criticos periodical,[144] issuing various manifestos and especially of organising public rallies, usually styled as Catholic feasts[145] and with systematically decreasing attendance.[146] The group did not assume a formal structure, apart from forming its Junta Suprema.[147] Historians differ as to how Juntas de Defensa del Carlismo, local initiatives emergent across Spain in 1962–63, were related to RENACE.[148]

Last years
Franco, late 1960s

In the 1960s Sivatte and RENACE kept pursuing the intransigent, ultraconservative Traditionalist line.[149] One of its fundamental threads was opposing Alfonsist restoration in general and any Carlist dynastic accord with the Juanistas in particular.[150] Another was anti-collaborationist stand versus Francoism, increasingly unveiled and blunt[151] as the regime was getting more and more liberal and public life was getting less and less censored.[152] Gradually the group started to emphasize its ultraconservative Catholicism,[153] calibrated against the spirit of Second Vatican Council and its timid Spanish incarnations, especially the so-called Law on Religious Liberties.[154] RENACE remained also fiercely hostile towards all manifestations of liberalism, let alone more radical left-wing ideologies; one of its favorite motives was opposing "revolución mundial".[155]

As late as 1964 Sivatte tried to maintain correct relations with Don Carlos Hugo,[156] but the attempt backfired as significant number of Sivattistas, including Carles Feliu de Travy, left RENACE and re-integrated within Javierismo. The conversion was a serious blow to Sivatte,[157] who made sure that the prince was a subversive leftist traitor[158] and vehemently opposed his bid to take control of Carlism; this stand produced even sort of rapprochement between Sivatte and Fal Conde.[159] Over time RENACE was getting more and more marginalized.[160] Entirely failing to attract young activists, it was turning into a group of rapidly aging if not already senile dissenters. In 1970 it seemed reinvigorated when representatives of Juntas de Defensa and envoys of RENACE met in Estella to co-ordinate their activities; the meeting produced nothing but a few documents,[161] eclipsed by what looked like impressive dynamics of the socialist-controlled Partido Carlista. In 1973, during the key annual Sivattista event, Aplec de Montserrat, only 150 participants did show up.[162] During the same event next year Sivatte was detained and fined,[163] perhaps the last sign of political recognition he has received in his life.[164]

elections in Spain, 1977

Following the death of Franco and during the transición years RENACE remained firmly opposed to democratization[165] and stood by the concept of anti-democratic, Catholic Traditionalist regime.[166] Some authors point that the Sivattistas, always vehemently hostile to Francoism, during its dismantling paradoxically neared the post-Francoist búnker.[167] Though in 1978 RENACE gave birth to political party named Unión Carlista,[168] it remained a third-rate political folklore. Sivatte, by the end of his life suffering from diabetes and immobilized, until death did not miss any Montserrat aplec.[169]

See also

Footnotes
  1. César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797, p. 9
  2. Jaume Aymar i Ragolta, Francesos, afrancesats, carlins i comerciants: els Sivatte-Vilar de Calonge, [in:] Estudis de Baix Empordá 18 (1999), p. 140
  3. Alcalá 2001, p. 9. Her father opposed the marriage, which was anyway concluded in 1811, Aymar i Ragolta 1999, pp. 140-141
  4. little is known about himself; he is noted as member of the so-called Liga antiabolicionista, which opposed abolition of slavery in Spanish overseas territories, compare Participación de Catalanes en la trata de negros y su posterior esclavización en la isla de Cuba, [in:] elpregonero service, available here
  5. she co-founded the Obrador de la Sagrada Familia union and the Reverendo José Morgaded y Gili foundation; she also commissioned the altarpiece of San Benito chapel in the Montserrat basilica, Alcalá 2001, p. 9
  6. he studied foreign languages in the Austrian Feldkirch to complete his education by graduating in law in Madrid, Aymar i Ragolta 1999, pp. 145-149
  7. Alcalá 2001, p. 10
  8. Alcalá 2001, pp. 10-11; none of the sources consulted indicates that Maurici claimed the title
  9. together with Manuel de Lanza y Pignatelli, Tomás Boada y Borrell, Ramón Enrich y Albareda, Joaquín Gelabert Cuyás, Jaime Arbós Bigorra, Alcalá 2001, p. 10. He was also a shareholder and member of the board; Manuel de Llanza served as president, Tomás Boada as vicepresident and Jaime Arbós as secretary, César Alcalá, Fotografía familiar, [in:] Tradición Viva service, available here
  10. in 1873 he purchased Torre Baró, the iconic castle towering over Northern Barcelona, see El castell de Torre Baró. Història i recuperació (I). Precedents i origens, [in:] L'arxiu historic de Roquetes Nou Barris blog (2014), available here, see also Mon Barcino, El Castillo de Torre Baró, [in:] Món Barcino service (2015), available here
  11. Alcalá 2001, pp. 10-11
  12. César Alcalá, Fotografía familiar
  13. see the official Cortes service, available here
  14. Alcalá 2001, p. 11
  15. Alcalá 2001, pp. 11-12
  16. he married María Isabel del Valle y Lersundi, countess of Lersundi; different internet sources provide incomplete, conflicting and partially incorrect information on the two, compare rootsweb service available here or euskalnet service available here
  17. until 1914, when he died himself, Alcalá 2001, p. 11
  18. Alcalá 2001, p. 11. Some sources claim that he graduated in 1925, see La Vanguardia 09.12.25, available here
  19. La Vanguardia 06.07.24, available here
  20. the family house was later demolished during construction of the highway and railway line; it used to stand where the Barcelona Torre del Baró railway station stands today, Alcalá 2001, p. 41
  21. see his books at tododtuslibros service, available here
  22. Jaime de Sivatte i Algueró, nuevo presidente de ANEFHOP, available here Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine
  23. son of Conchita Sivatte i Algueró, see procuranet service available here Archived 2016-03-05 at the Wayback Machine
  24. El Sol 04.04.29, available here or La Epoca 05.04.29, available here
  25. José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español [PhD thesis at Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Madrid 2012, p 256
  26. La Vanguardia 11.07.27, available here
  27. see the opinion of comte de Valdellano quoted after Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 8478260803, 9788478260805, p. 189
  28. the document acknowledging Alfonso XIII was signed also by Jaime de Sivatte i Bobadilla, the older brother of Maurici, Orella Martínez 2012, p. 256
  29. Alcalá 2001, p. 11
  30. opinion of Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta quoted after Alcalá 2001, p. 23
  31. e.g. he during the funeral of duque de Solferino, La Vanguardia 21.07.27, available here
  32. for 1928 see La Vanguardia 11.01.28, available here, for 1930 see La Libertad 23.02.30, available here
  33. "a la acción pertinaz y agotadora que conduce a borrar de nuestros hijos todo sano concepto de Patria y Familia, enfrentaremos nuestra reacción", Alcalá 2001, pp. 21-22. See also Cesar Alcalá, El Semanario Reacción (1931-19xx), [in:] Arbil 81, available here
  34. dominated mostly by La Lliga, Vallverdú 2008, p. 117
  35. Alcalá 2001, p. 20, Vallverdu 2008, p. 101
  36. Vallverdú 2008, p. 136
  37. Vallverdú 2008, p. 262
  38. Alcalá 2001, p. 21
  39. "aqui reina el más espantoso contrasentido, los carlistas de toda la vida tachados de seudo alfonsinos y en cambio Sivatte, ex Liguero e hijo de un traidor a la Cause, convertido en Apóstol de un puritanismo Carlista y valiéndose del Rey como de peón de brega", opinion of conde de Valdellano quoted after Vallverdú 2008, p. 189
  40. some authors claim that Sivatte’s appointment was from the onset intended only as a provisional measure, see the opinion of Carles Feliu de Travy quoted by Vallverdú 2008, p. 138
  41. according to this account, the former leaders were compromised by collaboration within structures of the Alfonsine monarchy, Alcalá 2001, p. 24
  42. Vallverdú 2008, pp. 135-6; according to the author, Sivatte was "representant dels sector més conservador"
  43. Vallverdú 2008, p.137
  44. Sivatte appointed the local Terrassa requeté acitivist, José María Cunill Postius, to the position of regional Catalan requete commander, Alcalá 2001, p. 24, Vallverdú 2008, pp. 138-140, 195
  45. for the list of candidates running see Vallverdú 2008, pp. 146-7
  46. Alcalá 2001, pp. 24-25, Alier "semblava la contrapés ideal de la forca, la serenitat i l’apassionament de Sivatte", Vallverdú 2008, p. 166-167
  47. like the meeting in Teatro Price in Barcelona in February 1936, Alcalá 2001, p. 27
  48. e.g. during the November 1934 Junta General in Madrid, Vallverdú 2008, pp. 185, 187-190
  49. Sivatte did not run, Vallverdú 2008, p. 288-9
  50. Alcalá 2001, p. 27
  51. Vallverdú 2008, p. 298
  52. Alcalá 2001, p. 28. This version seems questionable, since Caylá was known for his conciliatory stand and would have been an odd suggestion from the highly militant Sivatte. According to another author, Fal Conde asked the Catalan organization for personal suggestions; the Barcelona council proposed Caylà, the Girona council proposed a triumvirate composed of Juan Roma, Joaquin Gomis and Joaquin Bau, Vallverdú 2008, pp. 300-301
  53. Alcalá 2001, p. 28
  54. Alcalá 2001, p. 29
  55. Vallverdú 2008, p. 313
  56. Vallverdú 2008, p. 320
  57. in line with the call from general Mola "todos hacia Navarra", Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesúmaga Ariznabarreta, Requetés: de las trincheras al olvido, Madrid 2011, ISBN 8499700462, 9788499700465, p. 131
  58. Alcalá 2001, p. 42. The Polish diplomatic envoy to Spain, Marian Szumlakowski, is known to have assisted a number of conservative Spaniards, Marcin Mleczak, Stosunki polsko-hiszpańskie 1939 – 1975, [in:] Studenckie Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 10 (2013), p. 81. Szumlakowski either hosted them in premises of the legacy or provided them with false ID papers. According to another scholar, Sivatte left Catalonia for Italy using the passport of his neighbor, "a Russian" (it is not stated which country issued the passport), Albert Manent, De 1936 a 1975: estudis sobre la Guerra Civil i el franquisme, Barcelona 1999, ISBN 9788484150688, p. 83. The same author but in another work suggests that Sivatte was provided a passport by the autonomous Catalan authorities, Albert Manent, Els exilis durant la guerra (1936-1938), [in:] Miscellania d'homenatge a Josep Benet, Barcelona 1991, ISBN 8478262687, p. 495
  59. Joan Maria Thomàs, Falangistes i carlins catalans a la «zona nacional» durant la Guerra civil (1936-1939), [in:] Recerques: Història, economia i cultura 31 (1995), p. 9
  60. Alcalá 2001, p. 42
  61. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 134
  62. Alcalá 2001, p. 42. The body was headed by Josep Maria Anglés Civit and Sivatte was one of its 6 members, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Montserrt 2014, ISBN 9788498837261, p. 21, Joaquín Monserrat Cavaller, Joaquín Bau Nolla y la restauración de la Monarquía, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8487863949, p. 206
  63. Vallverdú 2014, p. 24
  64. Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN 9788499709758, p. 686
  65. Alcalá 2001, p. 42, Aróstegui 2013, p. 689
  66. one author claims that when working for Frentes y Hospitales Sivatte travelled across the entire rebel-held territory, which suggests some nationwide duties, Alcalá 2001, p. 42. Another author (not necessarily familiar with the topic, as he refers to "Fuentes de Hospitales") claims that as late as February 1938 Sivatte was appointed head of Catalan section of the organisation; to avoid infiltration by the Falangists it was formatted as a secretariat, under full control of the Carlist head of FET Delegación de Frentes y Hospitales, María Rosa Urraca Pastor, Vallverdú 2014, p. 71
  67. for its composition see Ricardo Ollaquindia Aguirre, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), pp. 501-502
  68. the only Catalan listed as taking part was Jaime Suriá, Vallverdú 2014, p. 46
  69. Vallverdú 2014, pp. 54-5. Another author claims that following unification, the organisation was formally banned, Alcalá 2001, p. 43
  70. Alcalá 2001, p. 43
  71. in February 1938 Josep María Anglés was still presiding over Comisíon para Asuntos, Vallverdú 2014, p. 69
  72. in early 1939 Sivatte was already referred to as "cap regional", Vallverdú 2014, p. 77
  73. first letters to that end were sent by Sivatte to Don Javier already in 1937, with the regency lasting less than a year, Alcalá 2001, p. 43
  74. Vallverdú 2014, p. 79, Alcalá 2001, p. 45
  75. Sivatte settled in estate of his relatives in Navarre, Alcalá 2001, p. 46, also Vallverdú 2014, p. 79, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 134. The first post-war Montserrat aplec of 1939 took place in absence of Sivatte, Javier Barracoya, El carlismo catalán, [in:] Miguel Ayuso (ed.), A los 175 años del carlismo. Una revisión de la tradición política hispánica, Madrid 2011, ISBN 9788493678777, pp. 114-5
  76. in January 1940 he was already back in Barcelona, Vallverdú 2014, p. 87
  77. one author calls him even "líder de la facció «falcondista» del tradicionalisme català", see Martí Marín i Corbera, Els ajuntaments franquistes a Catalunya: política i administració municipal, 1938-1979, Leida 2000, ISBN 9788479356934, p. 84; in few years the two became bitter enemies
  78. Vallverdú 2014, p. 83
  79. Alcalá 2001, p. 47, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, p. 344. When incarcerated in Modelo, Sivatte was welcomed as an ally by the imprisoned communist inmates. During obligatory after-meal assembly, they mumbled Cara al Sol and sang Oriamendi with particular emphasis, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 287. Sivatte, himself ultra-reactionary, at times used his influence to release people charged of leftist leanings, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 290
  80. Kindelan was later dismissed from his post, possibly as a penalty measure, Alcalá 2001, p. 51, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 238
  81. Alcalá 2001, p. 52. A police report claimed that Barcelona bookstores were visited by individuals who demanded that owners remove books of Primo de Rivera and Franco, otherwise "the requeté police will come and burn you down". The Falangists held Sivatte and Cunill responsible, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 234
  82. Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN 0874173442, p. 81. According to the author, the Montserrat Aplec emerged as the most important single event in national Carlist calendar. His opinion on standing of Catalan Carlism is not supported by other scholars, who claim that Catalonia was "much less" under the Carlist influence than Navarre or the Basque provinces, see Canal 2000, p. 345. In Navarre the Carlists strove to control major administrative positions, see Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), pp. 429-458. In Catalonia the Carlists could have influenced only minor roles, like alcalde of Badalona, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 226
  83. Alcalá 2001, pp. 52-6, Vallverdú 2014, pp. 96-7
  84. Alcalá 2001, p. 57, Vallverdú 2014, p. 99. When trapped between a rock and a hard place, Sivatte preferred to side with Franco rather than with the Alfonsinos; according to uncertain account, he refused to join a planned monarchical coup against the dictator in April 1944, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 299
  85. the charges of course did not refer to the period when Don Javier was detained in the Nazi concentration camp between July 1944 and May 1945
  86. 59-page memorandum, issued by Comunión Tradicionalista de Barcelona and titled La Regencia Nacional de D. Francisco Javier
  87. Alcalá 2001, pp. 59-62, Sivatte met personally with Don Javier in Saint-Jean-de-Luz to explain his view, Vallverdú 2014, p. 101
  88. in an unusually blunt 1946 letter to Fal Sivatte "openly aired his criticism, accusing jefe delegado of being impractical, unrealistic, and too theoretical", MacClancy 2000, p. 82
  89. Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 108, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Los incidentes del 3 de diciembre de 1945 en la Plaza del Castillo, [in:] Principe de Viana 58 (1997), pp. 628, 632, 636-7 and especially 649
  90. Ramón María Rodon Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, pp. 106-110; for overview of fragmentatin of the Catalan Carlism in the 1940s see Joan Maria Thomàs i Andreu, Carlisme barceloní als anys quaranta: "Sivattistes", "unificats", "octavistes", [in:] L' Avenç: Revista de història i cultura 212 (1997), pp. 12-17
  91. Alcalá 2001, p. 71, Vallverdú 2014, p. 106, MacClancy 2000, p. 82
  92. Alcalá 2001, pp. 72-3; the meeting took a very anti-Francoist turn, with cries of "¡Abajo la Falange!" and Sivatte stating that though Carlism stands by "July 18, 1936" it repudiates "April 19, 1937", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 323
  93. Sivatte claimed that even voting "no" was improper; the only correct path was to ignore all Francoist referenda, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641, 9788431315641, p. 27
  94. Alcalá 2001, pp. 76-9; another author considers Ley de Sucesión one of key points of contention which triggered the Sivattista secession, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 27
  95. Alcalá 2001, p. 82, Vallverdú 2014, p. 108-9, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 28. Another scholar claims that Fal explicitly ordered Sivatte to comply with the ban, Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo Contemporaneo 1935-1972, Barcelona 1977, ISBN 8425307597, 8425307600, p. 227
  96. Alcalá 2001, p. 82; the demand to terminate what was perceived an inefficient, vacillating, disorganised, clueless regency was already gaining popularity, as evidenced by the letter signed by 280 Navarrese priests and friars, Vallverdú 2014, p. 111, Alcalá 2001, p. 93, MacClancy 2000, p. 82
  97. Alcalá 2001, p. 93, Vallverdú 2014, p. 112; another version is that the Catalans told Fal that "se obedecía pero no se cumplía" Clemente 1977, p. 227
  98. "Excmo. Sr, D. Mauricio de Sivatte, Barcelona. Por tu actitud indisciplinada me veo en la necessidad de dimitirte y te ordeno hagas entrega del cargo, ficheros, documentación y medios económicos a la persona o Junta que yo lo comunique. Francisco Javier de Borbón", quoted after Alcalá 2001, p. 94, the same text in Vallverdú 2014, p. 112. Sivatte’s successor was José Puig Pellicer, Clemente 1977, p. 227
  99. Canal 2000, p. 354
  100. Alcalá 2001, p. 94. Another author claims that Sivatte was expulsed as late as 1956, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), p. 195
  101. like Basilia Inchausti, M. Teresa Trebal Canals, the Vives Suria brothers, Antoni Oliveras, Josep M. Rosell Calvó, Josep M. Cunill Postius, Rafel Barba Pujol, Eduardo Amatriain Rosano and Joan Guinovart, Vallverdú 2014, p. 113
  102. Vallverdú 2014, p. 155. The carloctavista claimant, Don Carlos Pio, resided in Barcelona, resulting in the provincial Carlism of the early 1950s having been divided between Carloctavistas, Javieristas and Sivattistas. Also when discussing the late 1950s, one author claims that "El carlismo catalan estaba abandonado. Cataluña habia sido teatro de todas las escisiones – Carlos VIII, Sivatte y la Regencia de Estella – y, paulatinamente, los hombres con influencia se habían ido alejando del partido", Javier Lavardín [José Antonio Parilla], Historia del ultimo pretendiente a la corona de España, Paris 1976, p. 112
  103. Alcalá 2001, p. 110; another scholar claims that two aplecs were organised starting 1955, Vallverdú 2014, p. 147
  104. located at calle Baños Nuevos in Barcelona, Alcalá 2001, p. 128
  105. Alcalá 2001, pp. 93-5. Sivatte's anti-Francoism did not, however, amount to total refutation of any contacts with the regime; he preferred to talk with the military, see La Vanguardia 27.04.47, available here, though at times he visited also administrative officials like the Catalan Gobernador Civil, see La Vanguardia 16.04.47, available here
  106. Alcalá 2001, p. 98
  107. Canal 2000, p. 354
  108. Don Javier avoided direct language and stated literally that "he resuelto asumir la realeza de las Coronas de España en sucesión del último Rey", quoted after Canal 2000, p. 354
  109. Alcalá 2001, p. 98; "la declaració reial va frenar el cisma dels carlins catalans seguidors de Sivatte", Vallverdú 2014, p. 133; Clemente 1977, p. 228 claims that Sivatte and Don Javier held a cordial meeting in Barcelona, but Fal prevented what looked like possible re-integration of the Sivattistas
  110. Alcalá 2001, pp. 101-102
  111. other of Sivatte’s foes were freemasonry and Protestantism; he was the first to trace and denounce any signs of religious liberty, lambasting Masons and Protestants as arch-enemies of Catholicism in his private and public writings, Alcalá 2001, pp. 106-8
  112. Alcalá 2001, p. 104
  113. like Carlos Feliu de Travy, José Vives Suria, Francisco Vives Suria, Jaime Vives Suria, Antonio Oliveres Nou, Antonio Pi Petchamé, Fernando Toda García and others, Alcalá 2001, p. 104. The Falangists preferred to sabotage the Sivattista rather than the Javierista aplecs; following violent clashes of 1954, Sivatte was even temporarily forced to close his law office, Vallverdú 2014, p. 139
  114. Alcalá 2001, p. 108
  115. Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 28. According to some authors Sivatte was among those engineering Fal’s deposition, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392
  116. in a letter dated January 1956 he noted "la necesidad y urgencia de rehacer la unidad del verdadero Carlismo", Alcalá 2001, p. 112
  117. the Carloctavistas did not join, Alcalá 2001, p. 112, Vallverdú 2014, p. 152; according to the press, the attendance was 5,000, La Vanguardia 24.04.56, available here
  118. "La constitución del Régimen politico imperante desde have veinte años, sobre la base antinatural e injusta del Estatismo, en neuestro caso, según ha parecido aconsejar en cada momento dios del oportunismo, en sus varias apariencias, astutamente mezcladas y dosificadas: Dictatorial – Totalitarismo – Capitalista – Socializante", quoted after Alcalá 2001, pp. 118-119
  119. and preferred a vague title of an "abanderado"
  120. Alcalá 2001, p. 115
  121. Vázquez de Prada 2009, pp. 193-196, Vallverdú 2014, p. 151. In her another work Vázquez de Prada claims that in 1957 the Sivattistas tried to take control over Navarrese Carlism and makes unclear suggestions writing that their young supporters held "abundantes medios económicos que no se sabía de dónde procedían", Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), p. 401
  122. Alcalá 2001, p. 118
  123. Alcalá 2001, p. 118. One author claims that the Sivattistas assaulted Valiente on the Madrid street, Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 401
  124. on October 12, 1956, Alcalá 2001, p. 118
  125. a somewhat different perspective is offered by Rodon Guinjoan 2015, pp. 205-206. The author claims that as long as Carlism remained non-collaborationist, Sivatte preferred to put up with his doubts about Don Javier, but once the new Valiente leadership assumed a new course, he concluded it was time to go
  126. Alcalá 2001, p. 132
  127. the group included the closest Sivatte collaborators, the Vives Suriá brothers, Alcalá 2001, pp. 128–29, see also Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 433
  128. during the meeting of the Sivattistas at Centro Familiar Montserrat, intended to discuss their position versus Carlos Hugo, the pro-Javierista feelings were already running high. Sivatte himself was present, but did not speak; he left before the session was closed. As the majority decided to re-join Comunión Tradicionalista, they informed Sivatte about the way chosen afterwards, Alcalá 2001, pp. 128-9
  129. Sivatte tended to consider Carlos Hugo a Frenchman and suspected that unfamiliar with the Spanish political realm, he would do whatever his pro-collaborationist entourage would tell him to do, Alcalá 2001, pp. 126–128
  130. the body was based in Barcelona; the reference to Estella, sort of Carlist capital during the Third Carlist War, was intended to underline traditional and orthodox character of the initiative. The abbreviation carried a double meaning: in Spanish "renacer" means "to be reborn". Some works use the RNCE abbreviation, see Vallverdú 2014, p. 158. The event was entirely ignored by the tightly-censored press, see La Vanguardia 23.04.58, available here
  131. Vallverdú 2014, p. 158. A historian with no sympathy for Sivatte claims that his group "llevaba los principios doctrinales hasta sus últimas consecuencias, sobre la base de una interpretación ortodoxa de la doctrina tradicionalista clásica", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 28. A hugocarlista politician turned historian offers a different view when writing that "su ideologia se inscribe plenamente en el más radical programa integrista", Clemente 1977, p. 229; he claims also that the Sivattistas were a group "escindido del carlismo ortodoxo", (p. 234). Sivatte is described as "integrista" or "carlo-integrista" also in Cristian Ferrer Gonzàlez, Los Carlismos de la Transición: las idiosincrasias carlistas frente al cambiopolítico (1973-1979), [in:] Juan Carlos Colomes Rubio, Javier Esteve Marti, Melanie Ibanez Domingo (eds.), Ayer y hoy. Debates, historiografia y didactica de la historia, Valencia 2015, ISBN 9788460658740, p. 151. The opinion about pro-Integrist leaning of RENACE is shared also by Rodon Guinjoan 2015, p. 219
  132. Alcalá 2001, p. 159
  133. Alcalá 2001, p. 150
  134. Sivatte's hagiographic biographer presents a theory that Don Javier from the onset supported the Francoist legal construction, including Ley de Sucesion; he intended not to alienate Franco with his own royal claim so that his son would be crowned as the Francoist king one day, see Alcalá 2001
  135. Alcalá 2001, pp. 147-150
  136. contemporary scholar estimates that in the late 1950s the Carlists were divided as follows: Javieristas 75%, Sivattistas 20% and Carloctavistas 5%, Rodon Guinjoan 2015, p. 207
  137. though even in Catalonia the RENACE followers were less numerous than the 1949-1958 Sivattistas, many of whom re-joined the Javieristas in 1957
  138. contemporary scholar claims that though the Juanistas and the Carloctavistas were a marginal force in Navarre, the Sivattistas posed a serious threat to the dominant Javieristas, especially that they were leaning towards violence, Vázquez de Prada 2011, p. 406. On the other hand, she claims that Sivatte himself was assaulted by the Javieristas when trying to attend Montejurra in 1959 (p. 405)
  139. including some former carloctavistas, Alcalá 2001, pp. 152-153
  140. the ones with most prestigious standing were general Alejandro Utrilla Belbel, a very active Navarrese priest Bruno Lezáun, and two provincial Carlist jefes, the Biscay one Pedro Gaviria and the Canarian one Luis Doreste Morales. Others to be noted were a poet Martín Garrido Hernando, a Catalan priest, former chaplain of Don Javier Jaime Suriá, the Diez-Conde sisters, collaborating with Sivatte since the Frentes y Hospitales years, former Aragón Carlist leader Carlos José Ram de Viu (conde de Samitier), an Andalusian carloctavista, during the Republic exemplary case of a Carlist proletarian worker Gínés Martínez, theorist and economy professor Carles Feliu de Travy and Sivatte’s son-in-law Ignacio de Orbe Tuero (baron de Montevilla), Alcalá 2001, pp. 118, 152-5. Since the late 1960s key Sivatte’s collaborators were Juan Casañas Balsells and José María Cusell, see César Alcalá, Juan Casañas Balsells, [in:] Tradición Viva blog, available here
  141. Alcalá 2001, p. 155
  142. the regime kept monitoring Sivatte and his collaborators, and their activities were reported in periodical Informe Confidencial, produced by Guardia Civil, Vallverdú 2014, p. 167
  143. some authors claim that the very design of RENACE made it a lost cause; its doctrinal purity and intransigence – the theory goes – have by definition prevented any political effectiveness and auto-marginalised the group, see the opinion of Xavier Casals referred after Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 154
  144. another periodical was Información Carlista, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 175
  145. like periodical gatherings at Poblet and Montserrat sanctuaries or once-off events like consecration of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in Barcelona
  146. in the mid-1940s, before Sivatte was dismissed as Catalan jefe, the Montserrat aplec used to attract 30,000 people, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 252; in the early 1950s it used to gather 4,000 participants, see La Vanguardia 29.05.51, available here; in the early 1960s they attracted some 500 attendants, Alcalá 2001, p. 162; security forces estimated the attendance at around 200, Vallverdú 2014, p. 175. The main Javierista event, the Aplec of Montejurra, was at that time attracting some 50,000 attendants; later on this figure grew to some 100,000, MacClancy 2000, p. 275
  147. Alcalá 2001, p. 167, later to be named Consejo de Regencia
  148. one scholar claims that though not tantamount, they were highly sympathetic towards RENACE, Alcalá 2001, p. 163. The other one considers them a separate initiative which refused to integrate with the Sivattistas, Vallverdú 2014, p. 172-5. Yet another one writes that the Sivattistas were principal force behind emergence of the Juntas, Canal 2000, pp. 363–64, the same opinion in Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 176
  149. Vallverdú 2014, p. 159. The Javieristas mocked him as "Su Alteza Real Don Mauricio", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 183. Also the progressist historian can not resist the temptation to quote the abusive term of "secta de desquciados", Clemente 1977, p. 234
  150. culminating in a telegram sent to Franco on December 24, 1968. In a text addressed to "Excmo. Sr. Don Francisco Franco, Generalisimo de la Cruzada Española" Sivatte in the name of RENACE "proclama nuevamente el repudio Nacional de toda la rama liberal por ser radicalmente ilegitima", quoted after Alcalá 2001, p. 178
  151. which did not prevent Sivatte from addressing Franco. His 1966 note, demanding that the dictator cedes power to Carlism, is called by one historian "un quimérico golpe de fuerza", Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 151
  152. a 1967 RENACE statement read: "La indublamente cercana desaparición del viejo dictador desencadenará en España una grandísima conmoción social y política; a consecuencia de la egolátrica y pésima desorientación impuesta a los asuntos públicos capitales", quoted after Alcalá 2001, p. 175
  153. one scholar claims that RENACE "was almost exclusively concerned with religious affairs", Clemente 1977, p. 229
  154. Alcalá 2001, pp. 167-9
  155. fathered by the devil, Clemente 1977, p. 231
  156. the two met in Barcelona following the wedding of Carlos Hugo and Princess Irene; their conversation revealed perfect lack of understanding, Alcalá 2001, pp. 166-7
  157. Feliu de Travy was two years later nominated the new Catalan jefe of Comunión Tradicionalista, Clemente 1977, p. 228, Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 151, Carles Feliu de Travy [in:] Juventudes Carlistas service (2009), available here Archived 2015-09-25 at the Wayback Machine. This conversion, though far from triumph, provided important momentum for Carlos Hugo, see Lavardín 1976, p. 245
  158. in early 1969 Tiempos Criticos wrote also about "la traición de Don Javier", Alcalá 2001, p. 179. The Javieristas, at that time turning rather into Hugocarlistas, fought back and tried to re-capture the Montserrat aplecs, enjoying also support of the Francoist press, compare La Vanguardia 23.05.67, available here. However, some authors claim exactly the opposite, namely that Sivatte and his faction were promoted by Francoism in order to marginalise Don Carlos Hugo: "El franquismo no paró de maniobrar, intentando presentar a la opinión pública otras supuestas escisiones y "pretendientes carlistas" como fueron la "sivattista" de Mauricio de Sivatte y la "carloctavista" patrocinada por Cora y Lira", Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El carlismo, de las guerras civiles a la transición, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 60
  159. Sivatte visited Fal in his Sevilla home, Alcalá 2001, p. 177; earlier he reconciled with Zamanillo, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 185
  160. Clemente 1977, p. 229
  161. Alcalá 2001, pp. 182-3, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 178-9
  162. this figure included 25 members of the orchestra commissioned from Vilanova i la Geltrú, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 174. According to the police estimates, the 1972 figure was 200, Vallverdú 2014, p. 226
  163. for "violating public order" Alcalá 2001, p. 186; according to the police report, Sivatte declared Franco the number one enemy of Carlism and Spain, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 174, see also Fundacion Juan March service available here
  164. another one was rumored to take place during the Montserrat Aplec of 1976, shortly after the fatal clashes at Montejurra. The hugocarlistas were anticipated to show up on the Sivattista feast and seek violent revenge on ultra-orthodox Carlism, but no such thing occurred, Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 153
  165. The Sivattistas made Franco responsible for opening the gates to a demo-liberal system, Alcalá 2001, p. 195, Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 152
  166. see its 12 points laid out prior to the 1977 elections, Alcalá 2001, p. 194, also Vallverdú 2014, p. 272, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 267-8
  167. Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 152
  168. some authors claim that in 1980 the Union became "nueva rama política del sivattismo", Ferrer Gonzàlez 2015, p. 153. In fact, RENACE retained its proper and separate identity and disappeared as late as in 1986, merging within Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista
  169. Alcalá 2001, pp. 199-200

Further reading
  • César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN 8493109797
  • Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641
  • Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653
  • Manuel Martorell Pérez, Retorno a la lealtad; el desafío carlista al franquismo, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788497391115
  • Joan Maria Thomàs, Carlisme Barceloní als anys quarenta: „Sivattistes”, „Unificats”, „Octavistes”, [in:] L’Avenc 212 (1992), pp. 12–17
  • Ramón María Rodon Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015
  • Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El carlisme català durant la Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, ISBN 9788478260805
  • Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, ISBN 9788498837261
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