José Solís Ruiz

José Solís Ruiz (27 September 1913 - 30 May 1990) was a Spanish politician, known for his role in Francoist Spain, during which he occupied a number of important posts.

José Solís Ruiz
Solís pictured in 1962.
Civil Governor of Pontevedra
In office
15 July 1948 – 8 June 1951
Civil Governor of Guipúzcoa
In office
8 June 1951 – 7 September 1951
National Delegate of the Spanish Syndical Organization
In office
7 September 1951 – 29 October 1969
Secretary General of the Movement
In office
25 February 1957 – 29 October 1969
Secretary General of the Movement
In office
13 June 1975 – 11 December 1975
Minister of Labour
In office
11 December 1975 – 7 July 1976
Representative at the Cortes Españolas
In office
1946–1975
Personal details
Born27 September 1913
Cabra
Died30 May 1990
Madrid
NationalitySpanish
Political partyFET y de las JONS
Alma mater
OccupationRepresentative, politician
Signature
Military service
Battles/warsSpanish Civil War

As a member of the Military Legal Corps,[1] during Franco's regime he became civil government of several provinces, national representative of Trade Unions and the Secretary General of the FET y de las JONS party, a primary component of the “National movement". As such, he had a prominent role in the regime's policies during their developmental stage. Among the adopted measures was the enactment of the National Movement Principles Act, one of the regime's fundamental laws. An easy-going and jovial person, he quickly became one of the most popular figures of the dictatorship and was known as “the smile of the regime”.[2]

Biography

Youth and Training

He was born on 27 September 1913 in the town of Cabra in Cordoba, into a family of small agricultural land owners in Andalusia.[3] He was the son of Felipe Solís Villechenous - the Mayor of Cabra during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera - and Eduarda Ruiz Luna.[4] He studied law at the University of Deusto and the University of Valladolid[5].

As part of the "old guard" of the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista(FE de las JONS),[5][lower-alpha 1] he came to take part in the Civil War in support of the Nationalists.[5] During the conflict he would reach the rank of provisional alférez. At the end of dispute, he joined the opposition Technical Trade Union Ministry, where he held the seat of Secretary of the National Metalworkers' Trade Union,[7] a part of the national trade union center. He was part of the Military Legal Corps,[1] which he entered through opposition. As such, in 1941 he acted as prosecutor in the trial against a group of anarchist members of the Maquis, whom Solís accused of sabotage and of wanting to restore the Republic. They would finally be sentenced to death and executed.[8] In 1944 he was enlisted as secretary to the General Vice-Secretary of Social Ordinance,[7] a body in charge of trade union issues, among others. Although technically an “old guard” of the Falange Española, Solís spent much of his professional career as an Army legal officer and as a union steward, so he had little contact with the original fascist movement.[9]

Role in the Unions

In 1946, he was appointed as a representative to the Cortes Españolas,[10] a position he held for almost all the years of the dictatorship until December 1975.[11] During 1946, as part of his job as the Vice-secretary General of Social Ordinance, he organised the first Trade Union elections and also the first National Congress of Workers[12]. Later he served as Civil Governor of the provinces of Pontevedra and Guipúzcoa.[12]

Solís pictured with Franco in 1950.

In 1951, he was appointed national Trade Union representative, replacing Fermín Sanz-Orrio, who has resigned after the Barcelona tram strike of the same year.[13] A jovial, polite and easy-going person, Solís soon became one of the most popular leaders of the regime and would become known as the “smile of the regime”.[14] During the following years he maintained a great presence in Spanish public and political life. It should be taken into account that his time as national trade union representative also coincided with the Spanish economic boom of the 1960s, known as the Spanish miracle. Under Solís, the labor institutions achieved maximum impact;[15] he contributed to both expanding and modernizing them.The union work “Educacion y Descanso” (EyD) became one of the most popular instruments of trade unions among the working class, owing either to its network of recreational facilities or to its wide range of cultural activities.[lower-alpha 2]

Before the rise of the “technocrats” within the government and the administration, the Falange Española party were "entrenched” in the Trade Union Organization, promoting a kind of “openness”[lower-alpha 3]from the organization towards workers until this advocacy group became the core of Francoism. For example, after 1954 it was no longer necessary to possess a FET y de las JONS card in order to be able to participate in the trade union elections[18] and even was even an attempt from the Francoist apparatus to attract former anarcho-syndicalist leaders[19] to its core/bosom. Through this openness, Solís also sought to obtain the approval of the International Labour Organization (ILO). This process culminated in the 1966 union elections of “liaisons” and “jurors” who enjoyed relative freedom. But these elections did not reinforce the nationalist position, but quite the opposite, as Left-wing opposition were elected to many of the posts through the clandestine movement of the “workers’ commissions".[20] By 1967-1968, the liberalizing experiment could not be terminated. In fact Solís had no objection to supporting the repression of the workers’ commissions during the state of emergency period decreed in 1968.[21]

Secretary General of the Movement
Solís in April 1962 delivering a speech on occasion of the 50th anniversary of the creation of the Cabildo of Gran Canaria.

In February 1957,[22] he was appointed Secretary-General of the "Movement"; a position that he would juggle with his role as the national trade union representative for more than a decade. He was known for being the least dogmatic member of the Falangist sector. Solís embarked on the task of modernizing the “movement".Within the party he collaborated closely with Fernando Herrero Tejedor, who was the Deputy Secretary General of the Movement during the 1960s.[23] His appointment as chief of the FET y de las JONS came shortly after the so-called “Crisis of February 1956”. Solís encountered an antiquated party, a victim of the separation between the generation that made the civil war and the younger generations. In a short time, he drew up the draft law of principles of the national movement, which sought to provide a legal basis for the single party of the regime and would end up being approved in 1958. However, some historians have considered that this law actually meant the beginning of the end of the FET y de las JONS as a party, diluting the nationalism within the “movement”.[24]

Solís tried to assemble a nationalist project of an alternative regime to that of the Opus Dei technocrats.[25] This project, which had already been partially employed in Labour Unions through an internal opening, was complemented by the creation of “associations” within the movement to equip the Franco regime with a certain level of popular participation in the so-called contrast of views. By October 1958 Solís had already created the National Delegation of Associations with the mission of “widening the bases of accession to the movement to collective groups” and to whose front he had appointed Manuel Fraga Iribarne.[26] As Minister-Secretary General of the Movement, it was essential that the institutions of the Franco regime adapt to the social changes that were occurring in Spain, promoting a “political development” that complements economic growth.[14] However, his association bill - which was already drawn up at the end of 1964 - was parked by the unmoving opposition of the Opus Dei technocrats, the undersecretary of President Luis Carrero Blanco and also by General Franco himself, with the fear that the “associations” could cause the reappearance of political parties.[27][28] Solís continued to battle in this regard, and in the middle of 1969 he promoted a preliminary draft of the bases of the right of association, although again Franco did not want to promulgate it.[29]

The great power that Solís held - single party, unions, "movement" press and radio - earned him the suspicions of many leaders in the regime. During these years, his work at the forefront of the single party was not without criticism from the most extreme sectors of Francoism, which accused Solís of keeping the party in a state of “total abandonment”.[30] He was also highly criticized for his management of the "movement" press, the set of newspapers and publications controlled by the regime. The “old guard” José Antonio Girón de Velasco came to say that Solís used the newspaper Pueblo, which in theory was the newspaper of the labour trade unions, as a means of communication in his personal service.[30] However, Solís's main enemy among the Francoist hierarchy was Vice President Carrero Blanco.[14]

During the second half of the 1960s, Solís fought to expand the political and economic competencies of the trade union organization. He also tried to promote the expansion of rights among the employees within enterprises,not within unions, an idea was viscerally rejected by entrepreneurs and some sectors of the government (particularly by Carrero Blanco).[14] The matter of Franco's succession was another issue. With the appointment of Juan Carlos de Borbón as Franco's successor,Solis led a faction of the nationalist movement that preferred a dictator to a regency with no expiration date . Those in favor of regency, led by José Solís, intended to delay the return of the monarchy, but did not achieve its objective.[31]

In October 1969, he was ousted from office.[22] His downfall occurred in the context of the “Matesa scandal". In a movement that sought to discredit the technocrats of Opus Dei, the "movement"’s press (with the support of Ministers Manuel Fraga and José Solís) made a case of corruption, involving a businessman related to the Catholic institution,[32] public. After the outbreak of the scandal there was a change of government. Paradoxically, Solís and Fraga were among the ministers who were fired.[32] Opus Dei were reinforced by accepting the frank demands of Carrero Blanco in favour of a “united government without wear”,[33] which led to the so-called “one-party government”. According to Bartolomé Bennassar, Solís was taken aback by his dismissal, as he believed he would have Franco's  reassurances that he would remain in the cabinet.[34] After this event, the importance of the Spanish trade union organization within the Government was diminished.[35]

Return to Government

From June 1975, he once again occupied the position of Secretary General of the Movement in Franco's final government,[36] after the accidental death of his predecessor Fernando Herrero Tejedor.[37] However, by this time Solís had already left behind his previous liberal proposals.[38] In October 1975 he was a prominent participant in the Sahara Crisis. With Franco seriously ill, on October 21 Solís travelled to Morocco to meet King Hassan II,[39] to try and negotiate an exit and avoid direct conflict between the two countries. They would end up signing the Madrid Accords by which Spain left the territories of the Spanish Sahara, which were to be occupied by Morocco and Mauritania.[lower-alpha 4]

He formed part of the first government after the death of Franco as Minister of Labour, a position he held from 11 December 1975 to 7 July 1946.[36] Some authors have suggested that this appointment was partially in recognition of his previous participation in the negotiations with Morocco.[39] However, the labour situation Solís found was very complicated. The Spanish economy had weakened significantly due to the effects of the oil crisis of 1973. During the first months of 1976, the opposition's trade union forces embarked on an important campaign of mobilizations and strikes, with a total of 17,731 strikes.[41] In this context, the Vitoria massacre occurred, during which several workers were killed by police repression. Solís retired from his post following the end of the Arias government in July 1976. He has since abandoned political life to focus on business activity. He died at his home in Madrid on 20 May 1990[42] and was buried in his hometown.[43]

Personal life

He married Ana María Rodríguez Sedano-Bosch, with whom he had fourteen children.

Solís collaborated with his friend Colonel Enrique Herrera Marín - Spain's military attaché in Buenos Aires - on the steps of the transfer of exiled Argentine President Juan Domingo Perón.[44] In 1961 Perón finally settled on Spanish soil with the assistance of the Francoist government.[45]

During the years of dictatorship, Solís became president of the International Committee for the Defense of Christian Civilization.[46]

Works
  • —— (1955). Nuestro sindicalismo. Madrid.[47]
  • —— (1959). Nueva convivencia española. Madrid.[47]
  • —— (1961). José Antonio: actualidad de su doctrina.[47]
  • —— (1963). La gran realidad de nuestro fuero del trabajo. Madrid.
  • —— (1975). España. Su Monarquía y su futuro. Barcelona.[47]

Awards

Notes
  1. Although "old guard" José Antonio Girón de Velasco would later say that Solis was never a real member of FET y de las JONS.[6]
  2. Educación y Descanso (EyD)was a recreational organization that was dependent on the Organización Sindical Española,that existed between 1940 and 1977 and promoted leisure activities among workers - such as sports, theatre, folk music, dance and music choruses—.[16]
  3. However, the Falange's Delegación Nacional de Información e Investigación - a kind of single party intelligence service - had a carte blanche to investigate the past of candidates for trade union elections and even had the power to oversee the electoral process itself.[17]
  4. Facing Solis's negotiating position, Foreign Minister Pedro Cortina was in favour of the self-determination of the Sahara.[40]

References
  1. 1955-, Míguez González, Santiago (1990). La preparación de la transición a la democracia en España. Universidad de Zaragoza. OCLC 555590160.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  2. Muñoz Soro, Javier (2013). "Presos de las palabras Republicanismo y populismo falangista en los años sesenta". Falange, las Culturas Políticas del Fascismo en la España de Franco (1936-1975): 343–364.
  3. Amaya Quer, Àlex (2012). «Resumen de "Unidad, totalidad y jerarquía": continuidades y rupturas en la teoría y la praxis de la organización sindical española, 1939-1969». Historia y Política (Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia y Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales) (28): 305-331. ISSN 1575-0361.
  4. Oscar., Barea López (2014). Heráldica y genealogía en el sureste de Córdoba (SS. XIII-XIX). Bubok Publishing S.L. ISBN 9788468660806. OCLC 1041918740.
  5. Diccionario de historia de España. Alvar Ezquerra, Jaime., Contreras, Jaime. Madrid: Istmo. 2001. ISBN 978-8470903663. OCLC 50693588.CS1 maint: others (link)
  6. Payne 1999, p. 428.
  7. Clavin, P. (2001-01-01). "Book Review: 'Treue Freunde...?' Westdeutschland und Spanien, 1945-1963". German History. 19 (1): 116–117. doi:10.1177/026635540101900130. ISSN 0266-3554.
  8. Jorge., Aróstegui, Julio. Marco (2008). El último frente : la resistencia armada antifranquista en España, 1939-1952. Los Libros de la Catarata. ISBN 9788483193815. OCLC 810486170.
  9. G., Payne, Stanley (1999). Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0299165642. OCLC 1057995404.
  10. Solis Ruiz, Jose. "Elecciones 13.5 1946 Organizacion Sindical". Congreso de los Diputados.
  11. Solis Ruiz, Jose. "16.11.1971 Miembros del gobierno". Congreso de los Diputados.
  12. Aschmann, Birgit (1999). "Treue Freunde..."?: Westdeutschland und Spanien, 1945 bis 1963. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag.
  13. Cazorla Sanchez, Antonio (2000). Las politicas de la victoria. La consolidacion del Nuevo Estado franquista (1938-1953). Madrid: Marcial Pons. p. 150. ISBN 978-84-95379-19-1.
  14. Marin, Molinero y Ysas, Maria, Carme, Pere (2010). Historia política de España, 1939-2000 II. Madrid: Istmo. p. 121.
  15. Alvar Ezquerra 2001, p. 271.
  16. Morcillo 2010, p. 193.
  17. Hebenstreit 2014, p. 58.
  18. Gomez Roda, J. Alberto (2004). Comisiones obreras y la represión franquista. Valencia: Universidad de Valencia. p. 34.
  19. Gomez Roda, J. Alberto (2004). Comisiones obreras y la represión franquista. Universidad de Valencia. p. 35.
  20. Enrique., Moradiellos (2000). La España de Franco, 1939-1975 : política y sociedad. Madrid: Editorial Síntesis. ISBN 978-8477387404. OCLC 45345620.
  21. Gomez Roda, J. Alberto (2004). Comisiones obreras y la represión franquista. Universidad de Valencia. pp. 32, 35.
  22. 1953-, Urquijo y Goitia, José Ramón de (2008). Gobiernos y ministros españoles en la Edad Contemporánea. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. ISBN 9788400087371. OCLC 434694133.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  23. H., Lewis, Paul (2003). Latin Fascist Elites : the Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes. Praeger Publishers. ISBN 978-1280468896. OCLC 744967020.
  24. Fascismo en España : ensayos sobre los orígenes sociales y culturales del franquismo. Gallego Margaleff, Ferran, 1953-, Morente Valero, Francisco, 1961-, Andreassi Cieri, Alejandro. [Barcelona]: El Viejo Topo. 2005. ISBN 978-8496356320. OCLC 63700022.CS1 maint: others (link)
  25. Sesma Landrin, Nicolas (2011-01-01). "El republicanismo en la cultura política falangista. De la Falange fundacional al modelo de la V República francesa". Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea. 0 (23). doi:10.5944/etfv.23.2011. ISSN 1130-0124.
  26. Julio., Gil Pecharromán (2008). Con permiso de la autoridad : la España de Franco (1939-1975) (1st ed.). Madrid: Temas de Hoy. ISBN 9788484606932. OCLC 232922887.
  27. Enrique., Moradiellos (2000). La España de Franco, 1939-1975 : política y sociedad. Madrid: Editorial Síntesis. ISBN 978-8477387404. OCLC 45345620.
  28. Abdón., Mateos (1997). El final del franquismo, 1959-1975 : la transformación de la sociedad española. Soto Carmona, Alvaro. (1st ed.). Madrid: Historia 16. ISBN 978-8476793268. OCLC 37813756.
  29. Powell, Charles (2007). ""El reformismo centrista y la transición democrática: retos y respuestas"". Historia y Política. 18: 53.
  30. G., Payne, Stanley (1999). Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977. University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 441. ISBN 978-0299165642. OCLC 1057995404.
  31. Julio., Gil Pecharromán (2008). Con permiso de la autoridad : la España de Franco (1939-1975) (1st ed.). Madrid: Temas de Hoy. pp. 187, 254. ISBN 9788484606932. OCLC 232922887.
  32. Julián, Casanova (2014-07-03). Twentieth-century Spain : a history. Gil Andrés, Carlos,, Douch, Martin,, Gil Andres, Carlos. Cambridge. p. 272. ISBN 9781107016965. OCLC 870438787.
  33. Abdón., Mateos (1997). El final del franquismo, 1959-1975 : la transformación de la sociedad española. Soto Carmona, Alvaro. (1st ed.). Madrid: Historia 16. pp. 66–67. ISBN 978-8476793268. OCLC 37813756.
  34. Bartolomé., Bennassar (1996). Franco. Madrid: EDAF. p. 291. ISBN 978-8441400610. OCLC 35810587.
  35. Soto Carmona, Alvaro (1995). ""Auge y caída de la Organización Sindical Española"". Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea. 8: 247–276.
  36. 1953-, Urquijo y Goitia, José Ramón de (2008). Gobiernos y ministros españoles en la Edad Contemporánea. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. p. 141. ISBN 9788400087371. OCLC 434694133.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  37. Julio., Gil Pecharromán (2008). Con permiso de la autoridad : la España de Franco (1939-1975) (1st ed.). Madrid: Temas de Hoy. p. 308. ISBN 9788484606932. OCLC 232922887.
  38. Julio., Gil Pecharromán (2008). Con permiso de la autoridad : la España de Franco (1939-1975) (1st ed.). Madrid: Temas de Hoy. p. 308. ISBN 9788484606932. OCLC 232922887.
  39. Alguero Cuervo, Jose Ignacio (2006). El Sahara y España. Claves de una descolonización pendiente. Idea.
  40. Algueró Cuervo 2006, p. 185.
  41. Rosa., Barreda, Mikel. Borge Bravo (2006). La democracia española: realidades y desafíos : análisis del sistema político español. Editorial UOC. p. 50. OCLC 891561685.
  42. "ABC (Madrid) - 31/05/1990, p. 26 - ABC.es Hemeroteca". hemeroteca.abc.es (in Spanish). Retrieved 2018-12-03.
  43. País, Ediciones El (1990-05-31). "José Solís Ruiz, ex ministro franquista, falleció ayer en Madrid". El País (in Spanish). ISSN 1134-6582. Retrieved 2018-12-03.
  44. 1960-, Rein, Raanan (1995). La salvación de una dictadura : Alianza Franco-Perón 1946-1955. Málajm, Bar Kojba. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. p. 265. ISBN 978-8400075057. OCLC 34519117.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  45. 1960-, Rein, Raanan (1995). La salvación de una dictadura : Alianza Franco-Perón 1946-1955. Málajm, Bar Kojba. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. p. 266. ISBN 978-8400075057. OCLC 34519117.CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  46. Mundo., Equipo (1970). Los noventa ministros de Franco : Prólogo de Emilio Romera, 18 entrevistras de Manuel del Arco, epílogo de Amando de Miguel. Dopesa. OCLC 630328253.
  47. Puértolas. 2008. p. 1012.
  48. Boletín Oficial del Estado (in Spanish). 1936. ISSN 0212-033X. OCLC 1026537918. Missing or empty |title= (help)

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