2017–2021 Peruvian political crisis

The 2017–2021 Peruvian political crisis is an ongoing period of political instability in the Republic of Peru during the government of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, between 15 September 2017 and 23 March 2018, and since 7 July 2018 under the government of Martín Vizcarra.

2017–2021 Peruvian political crisis
Clockwise from left to right: The first ministerial cabinet of President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski; Kuczynski with his two vice-presidents Martín Vizcarra and Mercedes Aráoz during the first presidential vacancy process; the new Kuczynski cabinet called the cabinet of reconciliation; Kuczynski with his cabinet announcing his resignation from the presidency during the second presidential vacancy process; Martín Vizcarra as the new constitutional president by order of the constitution; the cabinet of Vizcarra and the swearing in of Pedro Chávarry as the new prosecutor of the Nation.
Date15 September 2017 – Ongoing
Location
Peru
Caused by
Parties to the civil conflict

Government of Peru:

It can be divided so far into seven periods: The first period or "first crisis" was due to a series of events that officially ended on 15 September 2017 in a total fracture of the State in two.[1][2] On the one hand the Executive, called "officialism", led by the constitutionally elected president Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and on the other the Congress of the Republic of Peru controlled mostly by the Fujimorist Popular Force party that calls itself "the opposition" led by its leader Keiko Fujimori.[1] On 13 October, the Congress of the Republic dominated by the opposition resumed relations with the ruling party, albeit in a fragile manner.[3]

The second period or "second crisis" is due to the prestige that President of the Republic Pedro Pablo Kuczynski lost after exposing a supposed conflict of interest when he was minister of state of the government of Alejandro Toledo (2001–2006), occasion in which one of its one-person consulting firms had made professional services to the Odebrecht company and received substantial payments. Until then, PPK had consistently denied having any employment relationship with that company. All this led to the first official request for a presidential vacancy due to "moral incapacity" according to the current constitution (which would have been for repeatedly lied about his relationship with the Odebrecht company),[4] which, however, did not prosper.[5] Soon after, Kuczynski pardoned the former president Alberto Fujimori, who was serving a 25-year sentence for crimes against human rights.[6] The decision triggered massive protests in several cities,[7] the resignation of three of its ministers[8] and severe criticism from a broad spectrum of personalities.[9] Then, on 28 February 2018, the Mulder Law was approved at the urging of APRA and Fujimorism.[10] That prohibited the state publicity in private media and soon after came a second request for a presidential vacancy, promoted by the left and supported by the fujimorists of Popular Force.[11]

The third period or "third crisis" began a few days before the Congress debated the request for vacancy, when on 20 March 2018, the Fujimorists revealed videos and audios that showed that government operators, including a minister of State, negotiated with a Popular Force congressman to buy his vote against the vacancy, in exchange for works for his region.[12] The next day, the president sent his letter of resignation to Congress,[13] which was accepted on 23 March 2018.[14] That same day the engineer Martín Vizcarra was sworn in as the new president, as he was in the line of succession as the first Vice President of the Republic.[15]

The fourth period or "fourth crisis" began on 7 July 2018, when the IDL-Reporters portal unveiled the CNM Audios, recordings that would reveal alleged offers of penalties, orders and thanks for favors or negotiations for promotions. officials of the National Council of the Magistrature (body of the Public Ministry that would be related to diverse public figures like politicians, industrialists and sportsmen, headed by the lawyer César Hinostroza), this would cause the called marches against the corruption that demand "that go away all" referring to politicians in general and to the congress in particular.[16][17] The ongoing president of the Republic Martin Vizcarra during his speech for national holidays said he will convene a referendum on the non-re-election of congressmen and members of the Magistracy.[18][19] The referendum took place and caused relative calm with the victory of the Vizcarra official position.[20]

The fifth period or "fifth crisis" began on 31 December 2018 when the prosecutor of the Nation Pedro Chávarry at hours of the new year of 2019 removed prosecutors José Domingo Pérez and Rafael Vela Barba, in charge of the Keiko Fujimori policy case and former President Alan García,[21] that same day, a whole media burden was born by the Government led by President Vizcarra[22] -including both sectors of the opposition[23] and the political right and left-[24] against that decision and against his own figure of the Prosecutor, demanding his resignation.[25] The consequence, materialized on 2 January 2019, was the order of Chávarry to replace prosecutors Pérez and Vela.[26]

The sixth period or "sixth crisis" began on 29 May 2019, when President Vizcarra accused Congress of delaying the approval of a package of political reforms (one of them, on parliamentary immunity, had been shelved by the Committee on Constitution without further debate), and raised a question of confidence for the approval of six of them within a specified period.[27] Congress approved the trust issue on June 5, 2019 and expedited the approval of the opinions, making various modifications to the original projects of the Executive.[28] On July 25, 2019 they were all approved, although two of them, being of a constitutional nature, were pending final approval for a second legislature.[29]

The seventh period or "seventh crisis" began on July 28, 2019, when through a message to the Nation, Vizcarra pointed out that one of the core projects of political reform, that of parliamentary immunity (which sought to be the Judicial Power and not the Congress itself that lifted said immunity), had not been approved in its essence;[30][31] he also reproached Congress for continuing to "shield" the prosecutor Chávarry and other figures related to the White Necks of the Port (CNM Audios case).[31] Against this background, Vizcarra proposed the advancement of the general elections (for president and Congress), whose approval suggested that it could be done through a referendum.[30] After more than a month of debates, the Constitution Commission of Congress shelved the project, considering it unconstitutional.[32] Within a few days, Congress had scheduled the election of the new magistrates of the Constitutional Court; however, the Executive announced that it would present a new matter of confidence to modify the Organic Law of the Court, regarding the mechanism for the election of said magistrates, in order to guarantee its transparency, and be able to apply it for the current election.[33] On the morning of September 30, 2019, Congress decided to continue with the election of the tribunes, electing the first magistrate Gonzalo Ortiz de Zevallos Olaechea and postponing until the afternoon of the same day the debate on the question of trust.[34] As the debate ended and the question of trust was approved, President Vizcarra gave a message to the Nation, announcing that he was dissolving Congress considering that he had been denied confidence in fact because he had continued with the election of a magistrate.[35] According to the Constitution, when Congress denies confidence for the second time to the Executive, the President is empowered to dissolve Congress (the first denial of confidence was to the Zavala cabinet, in the Kuczynski government, as it is considered the government of Vizcarra as an extension of that government).[36] The Executive called elections for a new Congress, which was scheduled for January 2020.[37]

Background
Results of the 2016 presidential elections by department, the colors shown are the respective of the political parties:
  Popular Force
  Broad Front
  Peruvians for Change
  Direct Democracy
The labor protests of 2017, was one of the main causes of the total rupture between the opposition legislature and the ruling government.

The 2016 elections had faced the biggest blocks in their time, Popular Force led by Keiko Fujimori, Broad Front led by Verónika Mendoza and Peruvians for Change directed by Kuczynski.

At first it was believed that both the Congress and the Presidency would be occupied by the members of Popular Force due to their overwhelming majority; the other two parties already mentioned occupied the third and second place respectively. Mendoza (who was in third place) decided to ask his voters to support the election of the Peruvians for Change party so that he could achieve power.

The objective of the Broad Front was to counteract the large number of voters who had Popular Force. This objective was half-fulfilled, since Kuczynski came to the Presidency by a narrow margin,[38] while Popular Force managed to maintain hegemony in Congress.[39]

This resulted in Popular Force having decisive political power to handle some issues that competed with the new Kuczynski administration during the period 2016–2021.

Although they tried to bring a certain political harmony, both "sides" were confronted by a lack of understanding and by different interests. The main discrepancies they had were:

  • The censorship of education minister Jaime Saavedra,[40] who submitted his resignation on 17 December 2016 and the following day he was sworn in by the educator Marilú Martens.[41]
  • Resignation of the Minister of Economy and Finance Alfredo Thorne.[42]
  • Resignation of the transport and telecommunications minister Martín Vizcarra.[43]
  • Possible censorship of the education minister Marilú Martens.
  • Acts of corruption and cronyism such as the Odebrecht case[44] or the Negociazo scandal.[45]
  • Protests against the implementation of the education curriculum that, according to the organization Con mis hijos no te metas, contains the so-called "gender ideology".[46]
  • Little control towards political façade movements such as Movadef, the political wing of the Shining Path.
  • Consequences of El Niño.[47]

First period

Denial of the request of confidence to the First Cabinet
The president of the Council of Ministers, Fernando Zavala, next to some of the members of his ministerial cabinet.
Other ministers during a protocol ceremony.

On 17 August 2017 the congresspeople of Popular Force filed a motion of interpellation against the Minister of Education Marilú Martens who was in negotiations with the representatives of the teachers, in search of the solution to a prolonged teacher strike.[48]

On 25 August 2017, the plenary session of the Congress approved the motion of interpellation, with 79 votes in favor, 12 against and 6 abstentions. The votes in favor were from the bench of Popular Force, APRA, Broad Front and Popular Action. The date of the interpellation was set as 8 September.

The minister answered a list of 40 questions, mainly about the teachers' strike that still persisted.[49] Martens acknowledged deficiencies in facing the teachers' strike, but assured that her management would not reverse the recognition of meritocracy within the teaching profession.

On 13 September, the Popular Force bench announced that it would submit a motion of censure against the minister, since it considered that it had not responded satisfactorily to the questions of the interpellation.[50]

Faced with this threat of censorship (which would be the second against a head of Education in less than a year), Prime Minister Fernando Zavala asked Congress a question of confidence for the full ministerial cabinet; in other words, a renewal of the vote of confidence that had been given to him at the beginning of his administration.[51]

From the Congress this request was criticized, stating that Zavala was in solidarity with a minister who was questioned, endangering her entire cabinet, and even more, when the motion of censure had not yet been made official. It was also said that the "renewal of trust" was something that the Constitution did not contemplate.[52]

In any case, the Board of Spokespersons of the Congress summoned Zavala at four o'clock in the afternoon of 14 September to support her request for confidence. Zavala presented himself to the plenary session of the Congress with the ministers and presented his request in 12 minutes; his argument focused on the government's intention to defend the education policy that was intended, according to him, to undermine the education minister's censure. Then we proceeded to the parliamentary debate.[51]

The question of trust was debated for 7 hours and voted in the early morning of 15. The cabinet failed to obtain the confidence of the Parliament, which voted against the confidence with 77, which produced the total crisis of the cabinet.[53]

Kuczynski action
Taking of the oath of the second ministerial cabinet.

On 17 September 2017, the second vice president and congresswoman Mercedes Aráoz Fernández was sworn in as president of the Council of Ministers of Peru and with this, five new ministers were announced: Claudia Cooper Fort (Economy), Idel Vexler (Education), Enrique Mendoza Ramírez (Justice and Human Rights), Fernando d'Alessio (Health) and Carlos Bruce (Housing).

The new head of the cabinet was sworn in with the 18 ministers in a ceremony held in the Court of Honor of the Government Palace. On 6 October, the vote of confidence will be given and if this is rejected for the second time, the president can dissolve the Congress and call new elections, as the Constitution of 1993 says.

The vote of confidence was delayed until 12 October, beginning with the exhibitions of the new cabinet led by Mercedes Aráoz Fernández and subsequent intervention of the different political caucuses of the Congress until 0:30 a.m. of the next day. It resulted in 83 votes in favor and 17 against.[54]

Reactions

Various political figures such as the media reported on the denial of confidence in the first cabinet; the journalist Rosa María Palacios sent a message to the president asking him to dissolve the Congress[55] and warned that "Fujimorism has been trapped",[56] the journalist César Hildebrandt also sent a message to the president saying that "the country requires him to confront Congress Fujimorist".[57]

The former constitutional lawyer in an interview said that the now former president of the Council of Ministers Fernando Zavala "is sacrificing for state policies",[58] the former president of the Council of Ministers Pedro Cateriano warned that "Keiko Fujimori, leader of the Popular Force party, wants to give a coup d'etat".[59]

Second period

The President of the Republic is involved in the Odebrecht case
Presidents and important figures of South American countries during the founding of the Acre Integration Bridge: The third on the left is Alejandro Toledo Manrique, president of Peru and the one next to him is Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, president of Brazil. Both accused by corruption cases.

In November 2017, the Lava Jato Commission of the Congress, chaired by Rosa Bartra and that was dedicated to investigate the implications in Peru of the corruption network of the Odebrecht organization, received confidential information that President Kuczynski had had labor ties with this company, which went back to the time when he was Minister of State between 2004 and 2006, under the government of Alejandro Toledo Manrique, despite the fact that since the outbreak of the Odebrecht case, Kuczynski had denied him on several occasions.

The Commission then asked the Odebrecht company for details of its relationship with Kuczynski, which were publicly disclosed on 13 December 2017. It was revealed then that Westfield Capital, an investment banking advisory firm, founded and directed by Kuczynski had carried out seven consultancies for Odebrecht between November 2004 and December 2007 for 782,207 million dollars, that is, coinciding with the time when Kuczynski had been Minister of Economy (2004–2005) and President of the Council of Ministers (2005–2006). The information also revealed that another company closely related to Kuczynski, First Capital, formed by its Chilean partner Gerardo Sepúlveda, had also provided consulting services for Odebrecht between 2005 and 2013.[60]

The information was seriously compromising for the president, because the payments to his personal consulting company had been made when he was Minister of State and in the case of consultancies referring to public works that the company carried out in Peru. This went against the constitutional rule that prevents state ministers from managing private businesses in the exercise of their public function (conflict of interest). Further complicating the matter was the fact that these payments came from a company like Odebrecht, which is now known to have paid bribes to win the concession for works under the government of Toledo, when Kuczynski had been minister, one of which was the construction of the interoceanic route to Brazil.

Although Odebrecht's payments to the consulting firms related to PPK were legal, there were those who speculated that it could have been part of the company's remuneration for favoring it in the good of the works.

First request for a presidential vacancy by the Congress of the Republic
Main article: First impeachment process against Pedro Pablo Kuczynski
Pedro Pablo Kuczynski next to his vice-presidents, Martín Vizcarra and Mercedes Aráoz, in a message to the Nation prior to the first vacancy session.

The opposition to the government, led by Fuerza Popular, demanded the resignation of Kuczynski and threatened him with vacancy from the Presidency if he did not do so. Broad Front, for its part, stated that the vacancy should proceed directly.

At midnight on 14 December, Kuczynski, through a message to the nation, denied the accusations and said he would not resign his position. "I am here to tell you: I am not going to abdicate my honor or my values or my responsibilities as president of all Peruvians," he said at the outset.

In his defense, he claimed to have no relationship with the company First Capital, which was the sole property of Sepúlveda, and that only one of the payments mentioned had to do with him, the one dated in 2012, when he was no longer Minister of State. As for Westfield Capital, although he acknowledged that it was his sole proprietorship, he affirmed that he was never under his direction and administration while he was Minister of State, and that the contracts dated at that time had been signed by Sepúlveda, his partner. He also noted that all payments to his company were legal, and that they were duly registered, billed and banked.[61]

PPK's explanations did not convince the opposition, and he was accused of continuing to lie, especially in relation to the fact that he had left Westfield Capital when he was minister, when, according to public records, he always figured as director of that company. Although PPK argued that there had been a "Chinese wall", an expression used in business to refer to when the partner or owner has no contact or receive information on the management of the company, while in public office (but in the case of Wesfield Capital, being a company where PPK was its sole agent, it is unclear how this "Chinese wall" could be made). Faced with the refusal of the president to resign, several of the opposition caucuses of Congress then proposed to submit their position to the vacancy.

The leftist Broad Front bench submitted a motion for the vacancy request to be debated in the plenary session of the Congress. The congresspersons of Fuerza Popular, APRA and Alianza para el Progreso joined the request and that is how they surpassed more than the 26 signatures needed to proceed with the process. Once the motion was approved, the debate began at 4 and 38 in the afternoon of 15 December and lasted until 10 at night.

The opposition legislators who introduced the motion cited a moral incapacity when they denounced that the president lied in the statements he gave about his ties with the Brazilian company.

The congressmen demanded that the due process be followed, reproaching the fact that the opposition proceeded with unusual speed and that several of its members had already decided to empty the president without having heard his defense. They also questioned the fact that a single report from Odebrecht was considered sufficient evidence, thereby overtly dispensing with the investigation that demanded such a delicate and far-reaching case.

According to the regulations, the vote of 40% of competent congressmen was needed for the admission of the vacancy request. As 118 congressmen were present, only 48 votes were needed, which was widely exceeded, as they voted 93 in favor and 17 against; these last ones were, in their great majority, those of the pro-government caucus.[62]

Once the vacancy request was approved, the Congress agreed that on Thursday, 21 December, at 9 o'clock in the morning, Kuczynski should appear before the plenary session of the Congress to make his disclaimers; then it would proceed to debate and finally vote to decide the presidential vacancy, needed for this 87 votes of the total of 130 congressmen.[63]

On the appointed day, PPK went to Congress to exercise his defense, accompanied by his lawyer Alberto Borea Odría. The defense began with the speech of the president himself, in which he denied having committed any act of corruption. Then came Borea's defense, which had as its axis the consideration that the vacancy request was an exaggeration because you could not accuse a president of the Republic without demonstrating with irrefutable evidence his "permanent moral incapacity", a concept that the congressmen did not they had apparently very clear, because strictly the constitutional precept would be referring to a mental incapacity. He considered that the offenses or imputed crimes had to be ventilated first in the investigating commission, before drawing hasty conclusions. He also rejected that PPK has repeatedly lied about his relationship with Odebrecht (argument that the Fujimoristas used to justify their permanent moral incapacity), because the facts in question had happened twelve years ago and he did not have to have them present in detail.[64]

After the speech of Borea, the congressional debate that lasted fourteen hours began. Voting for the vacancy took place after eleven o'clock at night, with the following result: 78 votes in favor, 19 against and 21 abstentions. One of the benches, the one of New Peru (left), retired before the voting, because to say of its members they did not want to follow the game to Fujimorism. Since 87 votes were needed to proceed with the vacancy, this was dismissed.[65] The whole Popular Force bench voted in favor of the vacancy, with the exception of 10 of its members, led by Kenji Fujimori, who abstained, and who thus decided the result. The rumor spread that this dissident group, which would later be called the "Avengers", had negotiated its votes with the government in exchange for the presidential pardon in favor of Alberto Fujimori, its historical leader who was then imprisoned.[66] After the Popular Force bench and led by Kenji announced the formation of a new political group, which would support the government.[67]

Pardon to Alberto Fujimori
Main article: Pardon of Alberto Fujimori
The Centennial Clinic, place where Alberto Fujimori was hospitalized at the time of receiving the pardon.

On 24 December 2017, President PPK granted a humanitarian pardon to Alberto Fujimori, who had been imprisoned for 12 years, with a sentence of 25 years for crimes of human rights violations (La Cantuta and Barrios Altos cases).[68] The government assured that the pardon had been decided for purely humanitarian reasons, in view of the various physical ills afflicting the former president of the Republic, confirmed by reports of a medical board.[69]

However, a strong suspicion arose that the pardon would have been the result of a furtive pact of the PPK government with the sector of the Fujimorist bloc that had abstained during the vote for the presidential vacancy and that had thus prevented it from concrete this. The pardon also motivated the resignation of the official congressmen Alberto de Belaunde, Vicente Zeballos and Gino Costa; of the Minister of Culture Salvador del Solar and Minister of Defense Jorge Nieto Montesinos. The Minister of the Interior, Carlos Basombrío Iglesias, had already resigned. There were also several marches in Lima and the interior of the country in protest against the pardon.

Alberto Fujimori, who days before the pardon had been admitted to a clinic for complications in his health, was discharged on 4 January 2018 and so could, for the first time, move freely.[70]

PPK formed a new ministerial cabinet, which he called "the Cabinet of Reconciliation," which according to him, should mark a new stage in the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative. Mercedes Aráoz held the presidency of the Council of Ministers and eight ministerial changes were made, the most important renewal in what was going on in the government.[71]

Approval of the Mulder Law

On 15 November 2017, through Bill No. 2133, Congressman Mauricio Mulder presented the Mulder Law, which prohibited state advertising in private media and on 28 February 2018 approved the bill by the Permanent Commission of the Congress with 20 in favor, 3 against and 14 abstentions.[72][73] The ruling was approved at the urging of APRA and Fujimorism on 15 June 2018 with 70 votes in favor, 30 against and 7 abstentions.[74][75] and it was published on 18 June 2018 in the Legal Rules of the Official Gazette El Peruano.[76]

Second request for a presidential vacancy by the Congress of the Republic
Local of Odebrecht in the financial district of San Isidro, this company has been accused of having bribed the main political leaders of Peru.

Only days after the first attempt at a presidential vacancy, in January 2018, the Broad Front caucus filed a new vacancy request, alleging Alberto Fujimori's pardon, which allegedly had been negotiated and granted illegally. This did not prosper, given the lack of support from Fuerza Popular, whose votes were necessary to carry out such an initiative. Under that experience, the leftist groups of Broad Front and Nuevo Peru promoted another vacancy motion, concentrating exclusively on the Odebrecht case, arguing that new indications of corruption and conflict of interest had been discovered by PPK when he was Minister of State in the government of Alejandro Toledo.[77] This time they won the support of Fuerza Popular, as well as other groups like Alianza para el Progreso (whose spokesperson, César Villanueva, was the main promoter of the initiative), thus gathering the 27 minimum votes necessary to present a multiparty motion before the Congress of the Republic, what was done on 8 March 2018.[78]

On 15 March, the admission of this motion was debated in the plenary session of the Congress, the result being 87 votes in favor, 15 votes against and 15 abstentions. The motion received the backing of all the benches, except for Peruvians for Change and non-grouped congressmen, among them, the three former pro-government officials and the Kenji Fujimori bloc.[79] The Board of Spokespersons scheduled the debate on the presidential vacancy request for Thursday, 22 March.

A confidential report from the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) on the money movements of PPK's bank accounts was forwarded to the Public Ministry and the Lava Jato Commission of Congress, but inexplicably leaked to public knowledge. This 33-page document revealed that from the companies and consortiums linked to the Odebrecht Group transfers had been made to Westfield Capital, the one-person PPK company, for $1,893,841, that is, one million more than what was known the moment. Transfers made to the account of the driver of PPK and that of Gilbert Violeta were also revealed, although it was shown that these were only payments of a labor nature and of basic services.[80] The leak of this report, which is presumed to have been made by the Lava Jato Commission chaired by Rosa Bartra, would have been with the intention of further identifying the credibility of the President of the Republic. But the death blow for PPK came a few days later.

Third period

Scandal for the collection of the kenjivideos
Main article: Kenjivideos scandal
Kenji Fujimori, congressman of the republic involved in the Kenjivideos.

On 20 March 2018, the Popular Force bench showed evidence that the government was buying the support of congressmen to vote against the second presidential vacancy request, a rumor that had already circulated during the first process. It was a set of videos where the conversations made by the legislators Bienvenido Ramírez and Guillermo Bocángel (from the bench of Kenji Fujimori) to try to convince Congressman Moisés Mamani (from Puno) not to join to support the presidential vacancy, in exchange for works for your region. In one of the videos, Kenji Fujimori is seen in a meeting with Mamani, which also includes Bienvenido Ramírez. The latter makes a series of offers to the parliamentarian from Puno to enable him to streamline projects and projects for his region, in exchange for joining his group and supporting PPK. In another video we see Bocángel talking about the administrative control of the Congress, once they access the Board. And in a third video, we see Alberto Borea Odría, PPK's lawyer on the subject of vacancy, explaining to Mamani about aspects of that process and giving him the telephone number of a minister of state. Those involved in the scandal, came out to defend themselves, saying that it was normal practice for congressmen to turn to ministers to ask for works in favor of their regions. Congressman Bienvenido even said that he had only "bragged". But what was questioned was the fact that the government negotiated these works in order to reorient the vote of a group of congressmen on the issue of the presidential vacancy, which would constitute the criminal figure of influence peddling.[12]

A few hours later, the Fujimoristas gave the final thrust, by broadcasting a set of audios, in which the Minister of Transport and Communications, Bruno Giuffra is heard offering works to Mamani in exchange for his vote to avoid the vacancy. The press highlighted a phrase by Giuffra in which he says: "Compadre, you know what the nut is and what you are going to get out", presumably referring to the benefits Mamani would gain if he voted against the vacancy.[81]

Until then, it was expected that the vote to achieve the vacancy would be very tight and that even PPK could again succeed as had happened in the first process. But the Kenjivideos determined that several congressmen who until then had manifested their abstention (among them the three ex- oficialistas) folded in favor of the vacancy, and thus they made it known openly.[82]

Resignation of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski
Pedro Pablo Kuczynski announcing his resignation from the presidential office in his last message to the nation.

Faced with the foreseeable scenario that awaited him in the debate scheduled for the Congress on the 22nd, PPK opted to renounce the Presidency of the Republic, sending the respective letter to Congress, and giving a televised message to the Nation, which was transmitted to the two and forty in the afternoon of 21 March 2018.[83]

I think the best thing for the country is for me to renounce the Presidency of the Republic. I do not want to be a stumbling block for our nation to find the path of unity and harmony that is so badly needed and denied to me. I do not want the country or my family to continue suffering with the uncertainty of recent times (...) There will be a constitutionally ordered transition.

— Kuczynski, in his message of resignation to the Presidency of the Republic. Lima, March 21, 2018.

The Board of Spokespersons of the Congress, although rejected the terms of the letter of resignation of PPK, arguing that this did not make any self-criticism and victimized, accepted the same and scheduled for 22 March, from four in the afternoon, a debate in Congress to evaluate the resignation. That debate lasted until the next day.[84] Although a section of congressmen on the left argued that the resignation of PPK should not be accepted and that Congress should proceed to vacancy due to moral incapacity, the majority of congressmen considered that it should be accepted, in order to put an end to the crisis. When the preliminary text of the resolution of the Congress was published, in which it was indicated that the president had "betrayed the fatherland", PPK announced that it would withdraw its letter of resignation if that qualification was maintained. The Board of Spokesmen decided then to omit that expression. The resignation was accepted with 105 votes in favor, 12 against and 3 abstentions.[85] Moments later, the first vice-president Martín Vizcarra was sworn in as the new constitutional president of the Republic.[86] Soon after, the new government announced that its prime minister would be César Villanueva, the same who had been the main promoter of the second Presidential vacancy against PPK.

Fourth period

The crisis in the judicial system
Palace of Justice of Lima, headquarters of the Supreme Court and symbol of the judicial power.

On 7 July 2018 the portal IDL-Reporters led by journalist Gustavo Gorriti broadcast a series of audios through the journalistic program Panorama. Thus, a serious corruption scandal called CNM Audios or Court and Corruption case was uncovered. These are telephone tapping that reveal alleged acts of corruption and influence peddling that directly involved judges and members of the Council of the Magistracy (CNM). In the audios we listen to César José Hinostroza Pariachi (supreme judge), Iván Noguera Ramos (counselor), Julio Gutiérrez (counselor) and Walter Ríos (president of the Superior Court of Callao), negotiating and using his personal influence in areas of government, through connections with people, and in order to obtain favors and preferential treatment.[87] These controversial audios had been leaked by the journalists of an investigation approved by prosecutor Rocío Sánchez Saavedra to intercept the telephone calls of numbers seized by the police to a criminal organization dedicated to drug trafficking (the castanets of Richport), which operated in the port of Callao. These telephone numbers belonged to the lawyers of that organization who contacted the judicial authorities, and it was thus, in that accidental manner, that the scandal that has led the crisis to the entire judicial system of Peru was uncovered.[88][89]

On 11 July 2018, President Vizcarra announced the creation of a commission to reform the Judiciary (chaired by Allan Wagner Tizón) and that same day the President of the Supreme Court of Justice Duberlí Rodríguez announced a crisis in the judicial system.[90] On the other hand, the supreme Internal Control Prosecutor, Víctor Raúl Rodríguez Monteza, gave IDL-Reporters and the Panorama program three days to deliver the audios and their sources.[91][92] However, this did not materialize because the wiretaps contained in those audios had been given legally, and because journalists are not obliged to reveal their sources because of their right to confidentiality. In the following days more audios were made known that involved characters from all areas, not just politics.

On 13 July 2018, the Minister of Justice and Human Rights of Peru Salvador Heresi presented his resignation letter because in one of those audios he is heard talking to the controversial judge César Hinostroza. In his replacement, lawyer and congressman Vicente Zeballos Salinas, who had been a member of the PPK parliamentary caucus, was appointed.[93]

Before the institutional crisis in the Judicial Power, Duberlí Rodríguez resigned to the presidency of the Supreme Court of Justice on 19 July 2018.[94] The next day he was appointed to preside over the First Chamber of Constitutional and Social Transitional Law of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Republic.[95]

On 20 July 2018, following the resignation of Supreme Court President Duberlí Rodríguez as a consequence of the CNM Audios scandal, Francisco Távara Córdova, in his capacity as supreme dean, assumed the presidency of said institution on an interim basis.[96]

The swearing in of Pedro Chávarry as the new prosecutor of the Nation
The swearing in of Pedro Chávarry as the new prosecutor of the Nation.

On 7 June 2018 attorney Pedro Chávarry was elected by the Board of Supreme Prosecutors of the Public Ministry as Prosecutor of the Nation for the period 2018–2021.[97] On 3 July, the National Board of Justice ratified it unanimously as supreme prosecutor.[98] Twelve days later (On 19 July 2018) an audio was broadcast between Judge César Hinostroza and the elected fiscal of the Nation, Pedro Chávarry, which caused massive protests at the national level to request his resignation, however on 20 July 2018 he was sworn in as Prosecutor of the Nation.[99] Despite being involved in the corruption scandal, prosecutor Chávarry refused to resign his position.[100]

The annulment of the pardon of Alberto Fujimori

On 3 October, the Judicial Branch issued placement and arrest warrants against former President Alberto Fujimori. His lawyers had 5 days (from 4 October) to support an appeal.[101] On 9 October, the appeal filed by his lawyers was rejected. Next, the judge ordered to locate him and capture him, an end of the sea re-entered in a prison.[102]

I want to tell the authorities and politicians today, because I no longer have the strength to resist it. (...) I want to ask the President of the Republic, the members of the Judiciary, only one thing: please do not kill me. If I go back to prison, my heart will not endure it, it is too weak to be able to go through the same. Do not condemn me to death, I do not give more "

— Alberto Fujimori, at the Centenario clinic, where he was interned, on October 5, 2018.[103]

As a result of the annulment of the pardon, the legislators at the end of Fujimorism, would approve a series of reforms among them are:

  • One that validates the immediate reelection of the deputies.
  • Reinstalls two cameras in Congress and indicates that its members will be called parliamentarians.
  • It eliminates the mechanism of trust that allows the president to close the Congress.
  • It removes the obligation of the legislators to present a declaration of their patrimonial assets.
  • Excludes the principles of irreproachable conduct and parity.
  • Rejects the criterion of representation of the indigenous population.[104]

The arrest of Keiko Fujimori

On 10 October, in the Office of the Prosecutor of Peru, Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho ordered a preliminary detention of Keiko Fujimori for 10 days, for the alleged illicit contributions to the 2011 campaign from the Odebrecht company.[105][106]

The Office of the Prosecutor does not cite any evidence in the judicial decision. A person is given preliminary detention when there is a well-founded risk, or a well-founded suspicion, of a procedural danger. What is the danger if we are going to the Attorney's office voluntarily? What is the risk of flight?

— Defense of Keiko Fujimori at the time of the arrest.[107]

On 17 October, after an appeal, Fujimori was released, along with five other detainees, because no feasible evidences of her responsibility were found.[108]

The escape of César Hinostroza
César Hinostroza, involved in the CNM Audios case.

The dismissed Judge Hinostroza, who was weighed by an order preventing him from leaving the country since 13 July for the alleged crimes of passive bribery and active bribery, for a period of four months. He would leave the country illegally, violating the law and leaving clandestinely in the north of the country, on 7 October at dawn hours.[109] Ten days later (17 October), the information would be publicly known, after which Interior Minister Mauro Medina, would present his resignation, after being identified by the political class as one of the responsible for the escape of the syndicate leader of the organization "The White Collars of the Port".[110] The next day the removal of José Abanto from the Oficialía Mayor occurred, due to the delay in sending the prosecutorial file against Judge César Hinostroza to the Prosecutor's Office, appointing Gianmarco Paz Mendoza as his replacement.[111]

The preventive detention of Keiko Fujimori

On 19 October 2018, prosecutor José Domingo Pérez formalized the preparatory investigation and requested 36 months of preventive detention for Keiko Fujimori and eleven other persons involved for alleged money laundering (among them: Jaime Yoshiyama, his nephew Jorge Yoshiyama, Vicente Silva Checa, Augusto Bedoya, Ana Herz and Pier Figari). After reviewing the request for pretrial detention, Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho began to review the one of the other ten people around Keiko, but on 31 October 2018, when he had only assessed the legal status of five of them, he decided surprisingly give your verdict regarding Keiko Fujimori. After accepting the tax thesis that accused him of being the head of a presumed criminal organization within his party that lavished a million dollars given by Odebrecht in 2011, and considering that there was a risk that it would hinder the process, the judge dictated 36 months of preventive detention for Keiko Fujimori.[112]

The political asylum of Alan García

On 15 November 2018, Alan García went to a meeting with the prosecution of money laundering, as part of an interrogation, carried out by, part of the prosecutor José Domingo Pérez due to irregularities in the conference payments of the former president, financed with money from Caja 2 of the structured operations division of the Odebrecht company, before this the prosecutor issued an order to prevent him from leaving the country for 18 months for García, even though at first he said he was at the disposition of the justice, that same night he went to the home of Carlos Alejandro Barros, ambassador of Uruguay, where he remained until 3 December 2018, when Tabaré Vázquez, president of that country, announced the rejection of Alan García's asylum request, consider that in Peru the three branches of the State functioned freely and without political persecution.[113][114]

Fifth period

The dismissal of Rafael Vela Barba and José Domingo Pérez and his subsequent reincorporation
José Domingo Pérez, provincial prosecutor investigating the Odebretch case in Peru.

On 31 December 2018, when the prosecutor of the Nation Pedro Chávarry removed prosecutors Rafael Vela Barba and José Domingo Pérez from the Odebrecht case in Peru, he replaced prosecutors Frank Almanza Altamirano and Marcial Eloy Paucar, respectively. This fact provoked multiple protests at the national level led by the antifujimorism. In a press conference called for the closing of 2018, Pedro Chávarry said he made that decision, since the prosecutors in question, who had important investigations, had "affected the Public Prosecutor's Office" with their comments through different means of communication.

For his part, President Martin Vizcarra, who was in Brazil to take command of Jair Bolsonaro, questioned Chávarry's decision and immediately returned to Peru. On 2 January 2019, Vizcarra presented before the Congress a bill that declared emergency in the Public Ministry, that same day Pedro Chávarry before the massive protests against him decided to reinstate Rafael Vela Barba and José Domingo Pérez in the lava case jato However, he refrained from resigning.[115]

The resignation of Pedro Chávarry
Pedro Chávarry, prosecutor of the nation involved in the CNM Audios case.

On 7 January 2019, Chávarry indicated that he was going to present his resignation letter. On 8 January, before the Board of Supreme Prosecutors, Chávarry resigned as president of the Public Prosecutor's Office.[116] On 8 January, the Board accepted the resignation of Chávarry and appointed Supreme Public Prosecutor Zoraida Ávalos as the new interim Nation Prosecutor. Who in his first message as president of the Office of the Prosecutor declared the Public Prosecutor's Office in emergency.[117][118]

The removal of Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho from the Cocktails Case

On 16 January 2019, the Second National Criminal Appeals Chamber decided to remove Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho from the case of cocktails for which Keiko Fujimori and other members of Fuerza Popular have been investigated. This measure was presented by the defense of Jaime Yoshiyama. The challenge against Judge Richard Concepción was evaluated by the Second National Criminal Court of Appeals, composed of judges César Salhuanay Calsin, Jessica León Yarango and Iván Quispe Auca. Who made that decision unanimously.[119]

According to the resolution of the Second Chamber, the judges considered that public statements by Richard Concepción Carhuancho questioned his impartiality, so that the case passed into the hands of another judge of the National Criminal Chamber. This event unleashed new social protests led by antifujimorism in different cities of the country.[120]

The return of Alberto Fujimori to prison

On 23 January 2019 Alberto Fujimori was transferred again to the Barbadillo prison in the Ate District, where he was interned from 2007 to 2017, serving his sentence before being pardoned. The former president was discharged from the Centennial Clinic after a medical board of the Institute of Legal Medicine evaluated him and determined that he is stable and that he can receive treatment for his ailments.[121]

Signing of the collaboration agreement with Odebrecht

On 15 February 2019, the collaboration agreement with Odebrecht was signed in São Paulo between the Lava Jato special team and senior officials of the Odebrecht company. Among the information that the company will provide is the My Web Day and Drousys systems, corporate software in which requested, processed and controlled the operations of the payment of bribes, names, data, dates, reports and evidence that can be used in a trial the politicians involved.[122]

The agreement was criticized by numerous congressmen, this because the total amount of civil compensation was not taken into account and the company obtained benefits on the management of its profits, with the possibility of re-contracting with the State of Peru.[123]

Suicide of Alan García

On 17 April 2019, former Peruvian President Alan García committed suicide in the bedroom of his personal home when the officers of the national police had gone to arrest him preliminarily on matters related to the Odebrecht case.[124] His funeral took place at the Casa del Pueblo[125] and was cremated on 19 April at the Catholic cemetery in Huachipa.[126]

García did not receive posthumous government honors such as the state funeral to former leaders,[127] at the request of relatives and supporters of APRA,[128] according to some national and international analysts[129][130] this gesture represents a new nuance of the political crisis in the country that has been developing since 2017.[131][132]

The Peruvian government, through the national daily El Peruano, declared three days of national mourning: 17, 18 and 19 April. According to the Public Prosecutor's Office,[133] the search of García's home that was included in the investigations of the Odebrecht case would continue its normal course, with the exception of the bedroom that remains sealed.[134]

Preventive prison for Pedro Pablo Kuczynski

After a 3-day hearing, on 19 April 2019, the Judiciary issued 36 months of pre-trial detention for former President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski.[135] However, due to the heart condition he suffers, and that led him to be operated on emergency at the Anglo-American clinic, on April 27 he was exchanged for home detention.[136]

The "Fujimorista-Aprista strategic alliance" and crisis in Peruvians for Change

The APRA Congressman Javier Velásquez Quesquén admitted that, although there was never a political alliance between APRA and Popular Force, there was a "strategic alliance" within Congress, which explained that the Board of Directors had shared in two consecutive legislatures, and that coincide in the votes of the plenary and of the commissions.[137] However, other members of the Aprismo and Popular Force rejected the existence of such an alliance, although the facts say otherwise. A study shows that, during the plenary sessions, the majority positions of Popular Force and the APRA caucus coincided 90.2% of the time so far in the current congressional period; that is, in 782 of the 867 votes, Fuerza Popular and APRA went hand in hand.[138]

Peruvians for Change the party that had brought Pedro Pablo Kuczynski to the presidency in 2016, and which, in theory, was the official party of the Vizcarra government, declared a reorganization. Kuczynski himself presented his irrevocable resignation to the party presidency on February 4, 2019.[139] The Peruvians for Change bench in Congress, which was initially 17 members, was reduced to 11. Two of them, Gilbert Violeta (at the same time leader of Peruvians for Change) and Juan Sheput (until then only invited to the party) had friction with Martín Vizcarra, hinting that there was a gap between the party and the government.[140] It was seen that two factions had formed on the Peruvians for Change caucus: a majority faction, led by Mercedes Aráoz and Carlos Bruce, who wanted to continue supporting the government with conditions; and another, commanded by Gilbert Violeta and Juan Sheput, supported by what remained of the game, which aimed to break with Vizcarra.[141] Vizcarra's estrangement from the Peruvians for Change party was further exacerbated by the revelation that the Construction Club had contributed $100,000 for the 2016 Kuczynki campaign. The party leaders (Violeta, Heresi and the Peruvians for Change general secretary Jorge Villacorta), agreed to hold Vizcarra responsible for controlling the financing of the campaign, as revealed in conversations on WhatsApp leaked to the press.[142] Not agreeing with this position, three Peruvians for Change congressmen announced their resignation from the party: Jorge Meléndez Celis (bench spokesman), Alberto Oliva and Janet Sánchez, although without affecting their permanence on the Peruvians for Change bench.[143]

On March 2, 2019, the Peruvians for Change party assembly agreed to change its name to Contigo. He also made official the admission to the party of Juan Sheput, who until then had only been invited.[144] Contigo's leadership said the party supported Vizcarra "100%" and considered that the Peruvians for Change caucus in Congress should also change its name. But the Peruvians for Change congressmen, for the most part, agreed to keep the original name. Violeta and Sheput then requested a temporary license from the bench, but the bench did not accept and even opened disciplinary proceedings against them. Given this, both congressmen decided to resign from the bench, which was thus reduced to nine members (March 6, 2019).[145] None of those nine members of the Peruvians for Change caucus, including Mercedes Aráoz and Carlos Bruce, was a member of the party.[146]

Sixth period

Vizcarra intends to carry out political reform

On December 21, 2018, the government formalized the formation of the High Level Commission for Political Reform. It was made up of political scientist Fernando Tuesta Soldevilla, as coordinator, and academics Paula Valeria Muñoz Chirinos, Milagros Campos Ramos, Jessica Violeta Bensa Morales and Ricardo Martin Tanaka Dongo.[147] It was installed on January 5, 2019. Based on the report that said Commission gave, the government presented twelve proposals for political reform to Congress (April 11, 2019). However, it excluded the issue of bicamerality, as it was recently rejected in the referendum.[148]

Among the three projects of constitutional reform was the one that sought the balance between the Executive and Legislative powers with the objective of establishing counterweights between both; the reform that modifies the impediments to be a candidate for any position of popular election, in order to improve the suitability of the applicants; and the reform that seeks to extend the regional and municipal mandate to five years, to coincide with the general elections. For the Legislative Branch, it was proposed that the election of the congressmen be carried out in the second presidential round; the elimination of the preferential vote and the establishment of parity and alternation in the list of candidates were proposed. On the other hand, for political parties, the aim was to promote internal democracy and citizen participation in the selection of candidates, establishing internal, open, simultaneous and compulsory elections organized by the ONPE. Other reforms related to the registration and cancellation in the registry of political organizations, and the requirements to keep the registration in force, as well as the regulation of the financing of political organizations, to avoid corruption. Another proposal was that the lifting of parliamentary immunity should not be the responsibility of Congress, but of the Supreme Court of Justice.[148]

Vizcarra raises trust issue for political reform

On May 29, 2019, from the Great Hall of the Government Palace, President Vizcarra gave a message to the Nation, in which he announced his decision to raise the issue of trust before Congress in support of political reform. This, after the Constitution Commission, with a Fujimori majority, sent the bill on parliamentary immunity to the archive, and the Permanent Commission, also with a Fujimori majority, filed practically all the complaints weighing on the controversial prosecutor Chávarry. The president, accompanied by members of his ministerial cabinet and regional governors, stated that the issue of trust would be based on the approval, without violating its essence, of six of the bills for political reform, considered the most central:[27]

  • Changes in parliamentary immunity, so that it does not become impunity.
  • Convicted persons may not be candidates.
  • Any citizen must participate in the selection of candidates from political organizations, through internal primary elections.
  • Eliminate the preferential vote and let the population define it in that previous selection.
  • Guarantee the political participation of women with parity and alternation.
  • Prohibit the use of dirty money from electoral campaigns.

If Congress denied the issue of confidence, it would be the second time that it did (the previous one went to the Zavala cabinet of the government of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski), for which, according to the Constitution, faced with two refusals, the President would be empowered to dissolve Congress and call new parliamentary elections within four months.

The following day, Prime Minister Salvador del Solar appeared before Congress to deliver the official letter requesting that the time and date of the plenary session be established, in which he will support the issue of trust. In this document, Del Solar indicated that he would propose that the maximum term for the approval of the six political reforms be at the end of the current legislature (June 15); otherwise, it would consider that Congress denied confidence to the ministerial cabinet.[149] In response to the request, Congress President Daniel Salaverry called the plenary session for June 4 to meet the Executive's request for confidence.[150]

The six political reform projects were defined as follows:[151]

  • Constitutional reform that states that those convicted in the first instance may not be candidates.
  • Legislative reform on internal democracy, which seeks for citizens to participate in the selection of candidates from political organizations, through internal primary elections.
  • Legislative reform that seeks to guarantee women's political participation, with parity and alternation, as well as eliminating preferential voting.
  • Legislative reform on registration and cancellation of political parties and regional political organizations.
  • Legislative reform that seeks to prohibit the use of illegal money in electoral campaigns.
  • Constitutional reform to make changes in the process of lifting parliamentary immunity, so that it does not become impunity.

The Constitution Commission invited jurists Raúl Ferrero Costa, Natale Amprimo, Ernesto Álvarez, Aníbal Quiroga and Óscar Urviola to collect their opinions on the Executive's approach and the constitutionality of the approach.

Congress approves the question of confidence

On June 4, 2019, Salvador del Solar appeared in the plenary session of Congress to expose and request the question of trust before the national representation. Previously, a previous question was rejected to evaluate the constitutionality of the trust request. Several voices in Congress considered that imposing a deadline for the approval of constitutional reforms and forcing their essence to be respected was unconstitutional, since reforms of this type were the exclusive responsibility of Congress and the Executive lacked the power to observe them. Due to these criticisms, Del Solar, in his presentation, lightened that part of his demand. He said that Congress was empowered to extend the legislature if necessary, and that it was not obliged to approve the bills to the letter, but could enrich them, although insisting that they should not alter their essence. "This question of trust is not a threat," he concluded.[28]

After the presentation of the Prime Minister, the parliamentary debate began, which had to be extended until the following day. Finally, at noon on June 5, 2019, the vote was held. The question was approved with 77 votes in favor, 44 against and 3 abstentions. The members of the left-wing benches (Frente Amplio and Nuevo Perú) and Apra voted against, while those of Fuerza Popular did so in a divided manner (33 in favor, 16 against and 2 abstentions).[152]

Debate and approval of opinions on political reform

The Constitution commission debated the opinions between June 7 and July 20. A series of changes were made in the projects, but the most striking was what was committed with the latest opinion, on the lifting of immunity of parliamentarians. The Constitution Commission rejected the Executive's proposal that the Supreme Court be in charge of raising immunity for congressmen, providing that Congress continue to retain that prerogative. The only variant was that it proposed definite terms for Congress to lift immunity once the Judicial Power made the respective request. In addition, it was proposed that the request be given only when there is a final judgment.[153]

When the Prime Minister Salvador del Solar was consulted on the opinions approved by the Constitution Commission, he considered that only five respected the spirit of the reforms proposed by the Executive, and that the last one, on parliamentary immunity, meant a setback, since it did not respect the a matter of trust, which had arisen precisely when the Constitution Commission sent the same project to the archive.[154]

The six projects were submitted to the plenary session of Congress, were approved between July 22 and 25, including modifications that further accentuated the distortion of the original projects of the Executive, especially regarding internal democracy and parliamentary immunity.[29]

Complaint against Congress President Daniel Salaverry

Daniel Salaverry, elected president of Congress for the 2018-2019 legislature with the support of his then Popular Force bench, starred in a series of confrontations with his co-religionists, marked by a series of epithets, attempts at censorship and accusations, which led him to distance himself of Fuerza Popular and approach President Vizcarra, who saw him as an ally to curb the dominance of Fujimori in Congress. This earned him retaliation from his former bench partners. An investigation of the television program Panorama denounced that Salaverry had repeatedly presented false data in his representation week reports (an obligation that congressmen have to visit the provinces they represent, to listen to the demands of their constituents), which included photos from other events.[155]

Alejandro Toledo's arrest in the United States
Former President Alejandro Toledo, has been a fugitive since 2017, in the United States. Accused of receiving a bribe of US$35 million from the Interoceánica Sur, the process for his extradition began. The American court ordered his imprisonment on July 16, 2019, until the extradition request is resolved.

Former President Alejandro Toledo, has been a fugitive since 2017, after the Peruvian justice issued two orders of preventive detention against him: the first in the case of the Interoceánica Sur, for having allegedly received a bribe of US$20 million from the company Odebrecht (later it was said that it was US$35 million); and the second by the Ecoteva case, under the accusation of money laundering when properties whose value did not correspond to his income were discovered (one of them in the name of his mother-in-law). Both cases are presumed to be connected. To the reiterated testimony of the effective collaborator in the Odebrecht case, Jorge Barata, has been added that of Josef Maiman, an Israeli businessman who had served as figurehead for Toledo. This is one of the most solid cases that the prosecution has.[156]

Located in Toledo, United States, the extradition process was initiated in the Odebrecht case. On July 16, 2019, the American justice ordered his preliminary arrest. On July 19, 2019, the hearing chaired by Judge Thomas Hixson, of the Northern District Court of California, was held to determine his legal situation. He was expected to be released after paying bail, to continue the extradition process in freedom, but the judge determined that he remained in prison as there was danger of escape. One of the arguments in favor of this decision was the fact that a briefcase with US$40,000 was found in Toledo, which made it suspect that he was preparing to leave the country.[157]

Election of the Board of Directors of the Congress for the period 2019-2020

On July 27, 2019, Congress elected its new Board of Directors for the 2019–2020 term. He won the list headed by Pedro Olaechea, supported by Popular Force, APRA, Contigo and Change 21, who beat the list headed by Daniel Salaverry, who was seeking his reelection with the support of the other political groups. The result was 76 votes in favor of Olaechea, 47 in favor of Salaverry and 2 blank votes. Pedro Olaechea, an economist and businessman by profession, had been elected to Congress by PPK, and was also a minister in the Kuczynski government. But then it separated from its bench and promoted the creation of another, called the Parliamentary Agreement, and then started another with the name of Republican Action. Although he called himself independent, Olaechea, throughout his parliamentary career was characterized by always voting in the line of Fujimori.Accompanying him on the Board of Directors were: Karina Beteta (Popular Force) in the first vice-presidency; Salvador Heresi (Contigo) in the second vice presidency; and Marvin Palma (Change 21) in the third vice-presidency.[158]

Seventh period

See also

References
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  32. "Congreso peruano reta al presidente Martín Vizcarra y archiva su proyecto de adelanto de elecciones" [Peruvian Congress challenges President Martín Vizcarra and files his project for the advancement of elections] (in Spanish). AméricaEconomía. 26 September 2019. Retrieved 19 March 2020.
  33. "Presidente Vizcarra anuncia cuestión de confianza sobre reglas para elección del TC" [President Vizcarra announces trust issue on rules for the election of the CC] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 27 September 2019. Retrieved 19 March 2020.
  34. "Congreso eligió a nuevo miembro del TC y suspenden votación hasta mañana" [Congress elected new CC member and vote suspended until tomorrow] (in Spanish). Lima: Diario Correo. 30 September 2019. Retrieved 19 March 2020.
  35. "Pleno aprobó otorgar la confianza al Ejecutivo durante mensaje de Martín Vizcarra" [Plenary approved granting confidence to the Executive during a message from Martín Vizcarra] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 30 September 2019. Retrieved 19 March 2020.
  36. Ricardo Montero Reyes (30 September 2019). "Normas legales" [Standard Law] (PDF) (in Spanish). El Peruano. Retrieved 19 March 2020.
  37. "Martín Vizcarra publica decreto que oficializa disolución del Congreso y convoca a elecciones parlamentarias para enero de 2020" [Martín Vizcarra publishes a decree that formalizes the dissolution of Congress and calls parliamentary elections for January 2020] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 1 October 2019. Retrieved 19 March 2020.
  38. "Resultados Segunda Elección Presidencial 2016". Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  39. "Donayre renunció a Fuerza Popular: "No hay una auténtica democracia"" [Donayre renounced Fuerza Popular: "There is no real democracy"] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 28 June 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  40. "Jaime Saavedra: Congreso aprobó moción de censura" [Jaime Saavedra: Congress passed a motion of no confidence] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 15 December 2016. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  41. "Marilú Martens juró como nueva ministra de Educación" [Marilú Martens is sworn in as the new Minister of Education] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 18 December 2016. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  42. "Alfredo Thorne tendrá que renunciar: Congreso no le renovó confianza" [Alfredo Thorne will have to resign: Congress did not renew his confidence] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 21 June 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  43. "Zavala a Fuerza Popular: "Una cosa es el control político, otra es el abuso de poder"" [Zavala to Fuerza Popular: "One thing is political control, another is the abuse of power"] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 24 May 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  44. "Escándalo Odebrecht: EE.UU. dice que 12 países recibieron sobornos" [Odebrecht scandal: USA says that 12 countries received bribes] (in Spanish). CNN en español. 22 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  45. "El 'negociazo' de Carlos Moreno sacude al gobierno de PPK" [The "negociazo" of Carlos Moreno shakes the government of PPK] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 10 October 2016. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  46. "'Con mis hijos no te metas': marcha congregó a 68 mil personas en el país" ["With my children do not get involved": march brought together 68 thousand people in the country] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 8 March 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  47. Maricarmen Chinchay (18 April 2017). "'El Niño costero': se eleva a 113 el número de víctimas a nivel nacional" ["El Niño Coastal": rises to 113 the number of victims nationwide] (in Spanish). Lima: La República. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  48. "Fuerza Popular presentará moción de interpelación contra ministra Marilú Martens" [Fuerza Popular will present an interpellation motion against Minister Marilú Martens] (in Spanish). Lima: Diario Correo. 17 August 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  49. "Marilú Martens será interpelada por huelga de maestros" [Marilú Martens will be questioned by teachers' strike] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 25 August 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  50. "Fuerza Popular presentará moción de censura contra la ministra Marilú Martens" [Fuerza Popular will file a motion of no confidence against Minister Marilú Martens] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 13 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  51. "Congreso convoca a Fernando Zavala para las 4 p.m. por cuestión de confianza" [Congress calls Fernando Zavala for 4 p.m. as a matter of trust] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 14 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  52. Martín Hidalgo Bustamante (14 September 2017). "Cuestión de confianza: claves sobre el pedido que busca Fernando Zavala" [Question of trust: keys on the order that Fernando Zavala seeks] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  53. "Congreso decide no otorgar la confianza al Gabinete Zavala" [Congress decides not to grant confidence to the Zavala Cabinet] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 15 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  54. "Congreso otorgó voto de confianza a Gabinete de Mercedes Aráoz [VIDEO]" [Congress granted vote of confidence to Mercedes Aráoz's Cabinet [VIDEO]] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 13 October 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  55. "RMP: "El país va aplaudir de pie si PPK disuelve el Congreso"" [RMP: "The country will applaud standing if PPK dissolves the Congress"] (in Spanish). La República. 15 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  56. "RMP tras censura al Gabinete Zavala: "El fujimorismo ha quedado atrapado"" [RMP after censorship of the Zavala Cabinet: "Fujimorism has been trapped"] (in Spanish). La República. 15 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  57. "César Hildebrandt a PPK: "El país le exige que se enfrente al Congreso fujimorista"" [César Hildebrandt to PPK: "The country requires him to face the Fujimorist Congress"] (in Spanish). La República. 15 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  58. "Víctor García Toma: "Fernando Zavala se está sacrificando por las políticas de Estado"" [Víctor García Toma: "Fernando Zavala is sacrificing for state policies"] (in Spanish). La República. 14 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  59. "Pedro Cateriano: "Keiko Fujimori quiere dar un golpe de Estado"" [Pedro Cateriano: "Keiko Fujimori wants to take a coup d'etat"] (in Spanish). América Noticias. 13 September 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  60. "PPK, la Interoceánica y los pagos de Odebrecht a Westfield [Cronología]" [PPK, Interoceanic and payments from Odebrecht to Westfield [Timeline]] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 15 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  61. "PPK: "No voy a abdicar a mis responsabilidades como presidente"" [PPK: "I will not abdicate my responsibilities as president"] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 15 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  62. Aarón Salomón; Karina Valencia (16 December 2017). "La vacancia de Kuczynski se decidirá el próximo jueves 21" [The vacancy of Kuczynski will be decided next Thursday 21] (in Spanish). Lima: Diario Correo. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  63. "Congreso admitió pedido de vacancia contra PPK" [Congress admitted vacancy request against PPK] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 15 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  64. "Alberto Borea: "Yo he defendido una causa republicana"" [Alberto Borea: "I have defended a republican cause"] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 22 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  65. "PPK no fue vacado por el Congreso de la República" [PPK was not vacated by the Congress of the Republic] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 22 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  66. "Galarreta: "Fujimori no merece ser canjeado por blindajes"" [Galarreta: "Fujimori does not deserve to be exchanged for armor"] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 22 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  67. Roger Hernández Sánchez (1 March 2018). "Kenji dejó Fuerza Popular: las implicancias en el fujimorismo" [Kenji left Popular Force: the implications in Fujimorism] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  68. "PPK: Indulto a Fujimori quizás fue la decisión más difícil de mi vida" [PPK: Pardon to Fujimori was perhaps the most difficult decision of my life] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 26 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  69. "Alberto Fujimori libre: PPK le otorgó el indulto al exdictador" [Free Alberto Fujimori: PPK granted the former dictator's pardon] (in Spanish). Lima: La República. 25 December 2017. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  70. "Alberto Fujimori dejó clínica y quedó en libertad gracias a indulto humanitario (VIDEO)" [Alberto Fujimori left clinic and was released thanks to humanitarian pardon (VIDEO)] (in Spanish). Lima: Diario Correo. 5 January 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  71. ""Gabinete de la reconciliación" juró en Palacio de Gobierno" ["Cabinet of reconciliation" swore in Government Palace] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 9 January 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  72. "Congreso aprueba proyecto que prohíbe publicidad estatal en medios privados" [Congress approves project that prohibits state advertising in private media] (in Spanish). Lima: Andina. 28 February 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  73. "Aprueban en primera votación proyecto sobre publicidad estatal en medios privados" [First draft vote on state advertising in private media approved] (in Spanish). RPP. 28 February 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  74. "Ley mordaza: ¿Qué es una acción de inconstitucionalidad?" [Gag Law: What is an unconstitutionality action?] (in Spanish). La República. 15 June 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  75. "Congreso aprobó ley que prohíbe publicidad estatal en medios privados" [Congress passed law banning state advertising in private media] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 15 June 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  76. "Congreso publicó norma que prohíbe publicidad estatal en medios privados" [Congress published rule prohibiting state advertising in private media] (in Spanish). La República. 18 June 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  77. "Izquierda promueve nuevo pedido de vacancia contra PPK" [Left promotes new vacancy request against PPK] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 2 February 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  78. "Presentan moción de vacancia contra PPK por "incapacidad moral"" [They present vacancy motion against PPK for "moral incapacity"] (in Spanish). Diario Correo. 8 March 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  79. "Congreso de la República admite a debate moción de vacancia contra PPK" [Congress of the Republic admits a vacancy motion against PPK] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 15 March 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  80. Américo Zambrano (16 March 2018). Final del juego [End of game] (in Spanish) (388 ed.). Lima: Hildebrandt en sus trece.
  81. Ángel Páez; Doris Aguirre; Melissa Goytizolo (21 March 2018). "Mamani también grabó reunión con PPK en su casa con Giuffra" [Mamani also recorded meeting with PPK at his home with Giuffra] (in Spanish). La República. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  82. Martín Hidalgo Bustamante (21 March 2018). "PPK: Videos inclinan la balanza de los votos de la vacancia contra el presidente" [PPK: Videos tilt the balance of the vacancy votes against the president] (in Spanish). El Comercio. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  83. "PPK renuncia a su cargo y afirma que habrá transición ordenada [VIDEO]" [PPK resigns his position and affirms that there will be an orderly transition [VIDEO]] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 21 March 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  84. "Pleno de Congreso debate hoy la renuncia de Kuczynski" [Plenary of Congress debates today the resignation of Kuczynski] (in Spanish). Lima: Diario Correo. 21 March 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  85. "Congreso aceptó renuncia de PPK" [Congress accepted resignation from PPK] (in Spanish). La República. 23 March 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  86. "Martín Vizcarra juró es tarde como nuevo presidente de la República" [Martín Vizcarra swore is late as the new president of the Republic] (in Spanish). La República. 23 March 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  87. "Audios comprometedores en el CNM: Una cronología del caso que golpea al sistema judicial" [Compromising audios in the CNM: A chronology of the case that hits the judicial system] (in Spanish). RPP. 20 June 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  88. "Audio CNM: juez del Callao autorizó interceptación telefónica" [Audio CNM: judge of Callao authorized telephone interception] (in Spanish). La República. 9 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  89. Ricardo Velazco (20 July 2018). El epicentro del crimen [The epicenter of crime] (in Spanish) (406 ed.). Hildebrandt en sus trece.
  90. "Designan miembros de la nueva Comisión de Reforma del Sistema de Justicia" [Appointed members of the new Justice System Reform Commission] (in Spanish). La República. 13 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  91. "Fiscalía exige a IDL-Reporteros y Panorama que entreguen todo el material de audios y revelen las fuentes" [Prosecutor's Office requires IDL-Reporters and Panorama to deliver all audio material and reveal sources] (in Spanish). RPP. 12 July 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  92. "Caso CNM: Fiscal llegó a local de IDL Reporteros para incautar material" [Case CNM: Prosecutor arrived at IDL Reporters' premises to seize material] (in Spanish). América TV. 12 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  93. "Vicente Zeballos juró como nuevo ministro de Justicia" [Vicente Zeballos is sworn in as the new Minister of Justice] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 21 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  94. "Duberlí Rodríguez renuncia al cargo de presidente del Poder Judicial" [Duberlí Rodríguez resigns as president of the Judiciary] (in Spanish). Piura: Noticias Piura 3.0. 19 July 2018. Archived from the original on 2 June 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  95. "Duberlí Rodríguez es presidente de nueva Sala de la Corte Suprema" [Duberlí Rodríguez is president of the new Chamber of the Supreme Court] (in Spanish). La República. 20 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  96. "¿Quién asumiría la presidencia del PJ tras renuncia de Rodríguez?" [Who would assume the presidency of the PJ after Rodriguez's resignation?] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 19 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  97. "Pedro Chávarry fue elegido como nuevo Fiscal de la Nación" [Pedro Chávarry was elected as the new Prosecutor of the Nation] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 6 June 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  98. "Nombramientos de Chávarry e Hinostroza podrían ser revisados" [Appointments of Chávarry and Hinostroza could be reviewed] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 29 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  99. "Pedro Chávarry juró como nuevo fiscal de la Nación" [Pedro Chávarry was sworn in as the new prosecutor of the Nation] (in Spanish). RPP. 20 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  100. "Audio revela pedido de favores entre fiscal de la Nación electo y juez Hinostroza" [Audio reveals request for favors between the prosecutor of the Nation-elect and judge Hinostroza] (in Spanish). RPP. 19 July 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  101. "Juez le dio plazo a Alberto Fujimori para sustentar recurso contra anulación de indulto" [Judge gave Alberto Fujimori time to appeal against annulment of pardon] (in Spanish). Perú21. 4 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  102. "Rechazan recurso de Alberto Fujimori para suspender su reingreso a un penal" [They reject resource of Alberto Fujimori to suspend his reentry to a criminal] (in Spanish). Diario Correo. 9 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  103. "Alberto Fujimori tras anulación de su indulto: "Por favor, no me usen como arma política" (VIDEO)" [Alberto Fujimori after annulment of his pardon: "Please, do not use me as a political weapon" (VIDEO)] (in Spanish). Diario Correo. 5 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  104. "En venganza, tumban fujimoristas reformas" [In revenge, they demolish Fujimorists reforms]. La Razón (in Spanish). 5 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  105. "Imágenes de Keiko Fujimori traslada enmarrocada de la Fiscalía [VIDEO]" [Images of Keiko Fujimori transposed from the Office of the Prosecutor [VIDEO]] (in Spanish). La República. 10 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  106. "Keiko Fujimori fue detenida por 10 días en el Ministerio Público por Caso Cócteles | VIDEO" [Keiko Fujimori was detained for 10 days in the Public Ministry for Case Cocktails | VIDEO] (in Spanish). Trome. 10 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  107. "Keiko Fujimori: Alberto Fujimori habría recaído y estaría en shock tras enterarse del arresto de su hija | VIDEO" [Keiko Fujimori: Alberto Fujimori would have relapsed and would be in shock after hearing about the arrest of his daughter | VIDEO] (in Spanish). Trome. 10 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  108. "Tribunal recogió la apelación de Keiko Fujimori y ordenó su excarcelación" [Court picked up Keiko Fujimori's appeal and ordered her release] (in Spanish). cooperativa.cl. 17 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  109. "Esta fue la ruta que usó el destituido César Hinostroza para su fuga [VIDEO]" [This was the route used by the deposed César Hinostroza for his escape [VIDEO]] (in Spanish). Perú21. 17 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  110. "Renunció el ministro del Interior tras fuga de César Hinostroza" [The interior minister resigned after César Hinostroza's escape] (in Spanish). La República. 17 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  111. "Designan a Gianmarco Paz Mendoza como nuevo Oficial Mayor del Congreso" [Gianmarco Paz Mendoza appointed as the new Senior Official of the Congress] (in Spanish). Panamericana TV. 18 October 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  112. Karem Barboza Quiroz (31 October 2018). "Keiko Fujimori: dictan prisión preventiva por 36 meses en su contra" [Keiko Fujimori: they dictate preventive prison for 36 months against him] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  113. "¿Por qué Uruguay le negó el asilo diplomático a Alan García?" [Why did Uruguay deny diplomatic asylum to Alan García?] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 3 December 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  114. "Cronología | Alan García: de la investigación por el caso Odebrecht al asilo rechazado" [Chronology | Alan García: from the investigation into the Odebrecht case to the rejected asylum] (in Spanish). RPP. 3 December 2018. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  115. "Martín Vizcarra: ¿en qué consiste el proyecto de ley que declara en emergencia el Ministerio Público?" [Martín Vizcarra: What is the bill that the Public Ministry declares in emergency?] (in Spanish). Lima: El Popular. 2 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  116. "Pedro Chávarry dará un paso al costado como fiscal de la Nación" [Pedro Chávarry will step aside as prosecutor of the Nation] (in Spanish). La República. 7 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  117. "Pedro Chávarry formalizó renuncia ante la Junta de Fiscales Supremos" [Pedro Chávarry formalized resignation before the Board of Supreme Prosecutors] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 8 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  118. "Zoraida Ávalos asume Fiscalía de la Nación tras renuncia de Pedro Chávarry" [Zoraida Ávalos assumes the Office of the Attorney General of the Nation after Pedro Chávarry resigns] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 8 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  119. "Richard Concepción Carhuancho es apartado del 'Caso Cocteles'" [Richard Concepción Carhuancho is separated from the 'Cocktails case'] (in Spanish). El Tiempo. 15 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  120. "Juez Concepción Carhuancho recibió apoyo de manifestantes tras ser removido del caso 'Cocteles'" [Judge Concepción Carhuancho received support from protesters after being removed from the 'Cocktails' case] (in Spanish). Perú21. 16 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  121. "Perú: el expresidente Alberto Fujimori vuelve a prisión tras más de 100 días internado en una clínica" [Peru: former president Alberto Fujimori returns to prison after more than 100 days in a clinic] (in Spanish). BBC Mundo. 24 January 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  122. "Hoy se oficializa el acuerdo de colaboración con Odebrecht" [Today the collaboration agreement with Odebrecht is made official] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 15 February 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  123. "Odebrecht: cronología sobre el acuerdo de colaboración que se firmó en Brasil" [Odebrecht: Chronology of the collaboration agreement signed in Brazil] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 25 February 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  124. "Muerte de Alan García: consternación entre los distintos líderes políticos" [Alan García's death: consternation among the different political leaders] (in Spanish). El Comercio. 18 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  125. "Los restos de Alan García son velados en la Casa del Pueblo" [The remains of Alan García are veiled in the Casa del Pueblo] (in Spanish). RPP. 18 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  126. "Restos de Alan García serán cremados en campo santo de Huachipa" [Remains of Alan García will be cremated in Huachipa holy field] (in Spanish). Expreso. 18 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  127. "Familia de ex presidente rechaza honores póstumos del Gobierno" [Family of former president rejects posthumous government honors] (in Spanish). Perú21. 17 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  128. "Familia de Alan García rechaza honores póstumos de Martín Vizcarra" [Family of Alan García rejects posthumous honors of Martín Vizcarra] (in Spanish). Diario Correo. 17 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  129. Bartolomé Ríos (18 April 2019). "La autodestrucción de la política peruana" [The self-destruction of Peruvian politics] (in Spanish). Semana Económica. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  130. "Un suicidio político" [A political suicide] (in Spanish). La Tercera. 18 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  131. "Su propio juez en la tierra" [His own judge on earth] (in Spanish). El Tiempo. 18 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  132. "¿Se agita el campo?" [Is the field stirred?] (in Spanish). Expreso. 18 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  133. "Gobierno declara tres días de duelo nacional por muerte de Alan García" [Government declares three days of national mourning for the death of Alan García] (in Spanish). Gestión. 17 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  134. "¿Qué pasará ahora con la investigación contra Alan García?" [What will happen now with the investigation against Alan García?] (in Spanish). Perú 21. 17 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  135. "Pedro Pablo Kuczynski: dictan 36 meses de prisión preventiva para el expresidente peruano" [Pedro Pablo Kuczynski: 36 months of preventive detention for the former president of Peru] (in Spanish). BBC Mundo. 19 April 2019. Retrieved 3 June 2019.
  136. "PPK: Revocan prisión preventiva y disponen detención domiciliaria" [PPK: Revoke preventive detention and dispose of house arrest] (in Spanish). Gestión. 27 April 2019. Retrieved 1 October 2019.
  137. "Velásquez Quesquén: APRA y Fuerza Popular ya no son aliados estratégicos" [Velásquez Quesquén: APRA and Popular Force are no longer strategic allies] (in Spanish). Lima: El Nacional. 8 February 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  138. "Fuerza Popular y Apra votaron en la misma dirección 90% de las veces, según estudio" [Popular Force and APRA voted in the same direction 90% of the time, according to study] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 8 February 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  139. "PPK renuncia a militancia por Peruanos Por el Kambio" [PPK renounces militancy for Peruvians for Change] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 4 February 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  140. Mario Mejía Huaracca (3 February 2019). "Los roces de los dirigentes de Peruanos por el Kambio con el Ejecutivo" [The friction of the leaders of Peruvians for Change with the Executive] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  141. Eloy Marchán (22 February 2019). Crisis terminal [Terminal crisis] (in Spanish) (433 ed.). Hildebrandt en sus trece.
  142. "Crisis en PpK tras chats y renuncia de Meléndez" [Crisis in Peruvians for Change after chats and resignation of Meléndez] (in Spanish). Lima: Perú 21. 21 February 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  143. "Janet Sánchez presenta su renuncia irrevocable al partido Peruanos por el Kambio" [Janet Sánchez presents her irrevocable resignation to the Peruvians for Change party] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 21 February 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  144. "Partido Peruanos por el Kambio ahora se llama Contigo" [Peruvian for Change party is now called Contigo] (in Spanish). Lima: La República. 3 March 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  145. "Gilbert Violeta y Juan Sheput renunciaron a la bancada de PpK" [Gilbert Violeta and Juan Sheput resigned from the Peruvians for Change bench] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 6 March 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  146. "Congresista de bancada PpK renuncia a su militancia del partido Contigo" [Bench Congressman Peruvians for Change resigns his party membership] (in Spanish). Lima: Gestión. 6 March 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  147. "Gobierno oficializa creación de la Comisión de Alto Nivel para la Reforma Política" [Government formalizes creation of the High Level Commission for Political Reform] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 21 December 2018. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  148. "Martín Vizcarra: Gobierno presenta los 12 proyectos de reforma política al Congreso, pero excluye la bicameralidad" [Martín Vizcarra: Government presents the 12 political reform projects to Congress, but excludes bicamerality] (in Spanish). Lima: Gestión. 11 April 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  149. "Salvador Del Solar plantea plazo para que Congreso apruebe proyectos del Ejecutivo" [Salvador Del Solar sets deadline for Congress to approve executive projects] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 30 May 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  150. "Daniel Salaverry convoca a pleno por cuestión de confianza para el martes 4 de junio" [Daniel Salaverry calls a plenary session for confidence for Tuesday June 4] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 30 May 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  151. "Estos son los seis proyectos de reforma política que deberá aprobar el Congreso" [These are the six political reform projects that Congress must approve] (in Spanish). Lima: Gestión. 4 June 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  152. "Cuestión de confianza: Congreso aprobó, por mayoría, cuestión de confianza planteada por Salvador del Solar" [Question of confidence: Congress approved, by majority, trust issue raised by Salvador del Solar] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 5 June 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  153. Mario Mejía Huaraca (20 July 2019). "Comisión de Constitución aprueba dictamen sobre inmunidad" [Constitution Commission approves opinion on immunity] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  154. "Salvador Del Solar: Cinco de seis proyectos de reforma responden al espíritu del Ejecutivo" [Salvador Del Solar: Five out of six reform projects respond to the spirit of the Executive] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 20 July 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  155. "Daniel Salaverry: Denuncian que presentó datos falsos en sus informes de representación" [Daniel Salaverry: It's alleged that he presented false data in his representation reports] (in Spanish). Lima: Perú21. 2 December 2018. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  156. "Alejandro Toledo prófugo: cronología de su situación judicial" [Alejandro Toledo fugitive: chronology of his judicial situation] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. 16 July 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  157. Liliana Michelena (20 July 2019). "Alejandro Toledo seguirá detenido en EE.UU. durante proceso de extradición" [Alejandro Toledo will continue to be detained in USA during extradition process] (in Spanish). Lima: El Comercio. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
  158. "Pedro Olaechea vence a Daniel Salaverry y es elegido presidente del Congreso" [Pedro Olaechea defeats Daniel Salaverry and is elected President of Congress] (in Spanish). RPP. 27 July 2019. Retrieved 24 April 2020.
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